Connectionist Modeling of Experience-based Effects in Sentence ...
Connectionist Modeling of Experience-based Effects in Sentence ...
Connectionist Modeling of Experience-based Effects in Sentence ...
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4.3 RC Extraction <strong>in</strong> Mandar<strong>in</strong><br />
Results<br />
Figure 4.5 shows the GPE scores by region and epoch for SRCs and ORCs. Table<br />
A.2 (<strong>in</strong> the appendix) shows means and standard error for the first two regions. The<br />
improvement on the ma<strong>in</strong> verb <strong>in</strong> the ORC over epochs was comparably low. There was<br />
no improvement on the SRC ma<strong>in</strong> verb. The tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g improvement on the relativizer<br />
<strong>in</strong> SRC happened predom<strong>in</strong>antly between the first and the second epoch. An object<br />
advantage on the relativizer was only present <strong>in</strong> the first and slightly <strong>in</strong> the second epoch.<br />
The third epoch did not reveal an ORC advantage. In addition a subject preference was<br />
found on the pre-relativizer region <strong>in</strong> the second and third epoch (P < 0.001).<br />
GPE<br />
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0<br />
Mandar<strong>in</strong> SRC (85%)<br />
N1 de N2 V2 N3<br />
Region<br />
epoch 1<br />
epoch 2<br />
epoch 3<br />
GPE<br />
0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0<br />
Mandar<strong>in</strong> ORC (25%)<br />
V1 de N2 V2 N3<br />
Region<br />
Figure 4.5: Simulation 2: Mandar<strong>in</strong> SRC Frequency<br />
epoch 1<br />
epoch 2<br />
epoch 3<br />
The heavily improved predictions for the relativizer <strong>in</strong> the SRC imply an <strong>in</strong>creased<br />
familiarity effect due to the corpus conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g more SRCs than before. The result <strong>of</strong><br />
simulation 2 suggests that the regularity effect on object relatives is weak and can easily<br />
be affected by a slight distributional disproportion <strong>in</strong> favor <strong>of</strong> the SRC structure.<br />
4.3.3 Discussion<br />
Simulation 1 confirms the regularity advantage for Mandar<strong>in</strong> ORCs with respect to<br />
simple sentences with the greatest effect on the relativizer. However, the location <strong>of</strong> the<br />
effect is not consistent with human data. Recall that Hsiao and Gibson (2003) found an<br />
object preference on the pre-relativizer region whereas Kuo and Vasishth (2007) found a<br />
subject preference on the relativizer and the head noun. Besides the very small effect on<br />
N1/V1 <strong>in</strong> the simulation there is no region-specific consistency with empirical studies.<br />
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