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Connectionist Modeling of Experience-based Effects in Sentence ...

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4.3 RC Extraction <strong>in</strong> Mandar<strong>in</strong><br />

Results<br />

Figure 4.5 shows the GPE scores by region and epoch for SRCs and ORCs. Table<br />

A.2 (<strong>in</strong> the appendix) shows means and standard error for the first two regions. The<br />

improvement on the ma<strong>in</strong> verb <strong>in</strong> the ORC over epochs was comparably low. There was<br />

no improvement on the SRC ma<strong>in</strong> verb. The tra<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g improvement on the relativizer<br />

<strong>in</strong> SRC happened predom<strong>in</strong>antly between the first and the second epoch. An object<br />

advantage on the relativizer was only present <strong>in</strong> the first and slightly <strong>in</strong> the second epoch.<br />

The third epoch did not reveal an ORC advantage. In addition a subject preference was<br />

found on the pre-relativizer region <strong>in</strong> the second and third epoch (P < 0.001).<br />

GPE<br />

0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0<br />

Mandar<strong>in</strong> SRC (85%)<br />

N1 de N2 V2 N3<br />

Region<br />

epoch 1<br />

epoch 2<br />

epoch 3<br />

GPE<br />

0.0 0.2 0.4 0.6 0.8 1.0<br />

Mandar<strong>in</strong> ORC (25%)<br />

V1 de N2 V2 N3<br />

Region<br />

Figure 4.5: Simulation 2: Mandar<strong>in</strong> SRC Frequency<br />

epoch 1<br />

epoch 2<br />

epoch 3<br />

The heavily improved predictions for the relativizer <strong>in</strong> the SRC imply an <strong>in</strong>creased<br />

familiarity effect due to the corpus conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g more SRCs than before. The result <strong>of</strong><br />

simulation 2 suggests that the regularity effect on object relatives is weak and can easily<br />

be affected by a slight distributional disproportion <strong>in</strong> favor <strong>of</strong> the SRC structure.<br />

4.3.3 Discussion<br />

Simulation 1 confirms the regularity advantage for Mandar<strong>in</strong> ORCs with respect to<br />

simple sentences with the greatest effect on the relativizer. However, the location <strong>of</strong> the<br />

effect is not consistent with human data. Recall that Hsiao and Gibson (2003) found an<br />

object preference on the pre-relativizer region whereas Kuo and Vasishth (2007) found a<br />

subject preference on the relativizer and the head noun. Besides the very small effect on<br />

N1/V1 <strong>in</strong> the simulation there is no region-specific consistency with empirical studies.<br />

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