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Connectionist Modeling of Experience-based Effects in Sentence ...

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Length-Adjusted Read<strong>in</strong>g Time (ms)<br />

Chapter 3 <strong>Connectionist</strong> Modell<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> Language Comprehension<br />

Figure 1: Self-Paced Read<strong>in</strong>g Patterns at Pre- and Posttest<br />

175<br />

150<br />

125<br />

100<br />

75<br />

50<br />

25<br />

0<br />

-25<br />

-50<br />

-75<br />

1 2 3 4<br />

OR: (The) clerk that the typist tra<strong>in</strong>ed told the truth<br />

SR: (The) clerk that tra<strong>in</strong>ed the typist told the truth<br />

36<br />

Relative Clause <strong>Experience</strong><br />

RC <strong>Experience</strong> Group (n=32) Control <strong>Experience</strong> Group (n=32)<br />

Pretest, Object Relatives<br />

Pretest, Subject Relatives<br />

Posttest, Object Relatives<br />

Posttest, Subject Relatives<br />

175<br />

150<br />

125<br />

100<br />

75<br />

50<br />

25<br />

0<br />

-25<br />

-50<br />

-75<br />

1 2 3 4<br />

(The) clerk that the typist tra<strong>in</strong>ed told the truth<br />

(The) clerk that tra<strong>in</strong>ed the typist told the truth<br />

Figure 3.4: Wells et al. (2009) read<strong>in</strong>g times for pre- and post-test by group and RC<br />

type.<br />

<strong>of</strong> other structures transitive and <strong>in</strong>transitive verbs are <strong>of</strong> equal probability. Example<br />

(20) shows structural prefixes <strong>in</strong> ma<strong>in</strong> clauses (20a), SRCs (20b), and ORCs (20c) with<br />

possible transitivity properties <strong>of</strong> predicted verbs.<br />

(20) a. Simple: EOS the N . . . {trans/<strong>in</strong>trans}<br />

b. SRC: the N that . . . {trans/<strong>in</strong>trans}<br />

c. ORC: (the N) that the N . . . {trans}<br />

The experience effect <strong>of</strong> human readers, however, can be affected by a lot more structural<br />

cues <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>put. A crucial factor also mentioned for Ch<strong>in</strong>ese RCs <strong>in</strong> section 2.4<br />

is animacy. In English like <strong>in</strong> Mandar<strong>in</strong> ORCs mostly conta<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>animate head nouns<br />

whereas <strong>in</strong> SRCs head nouns are commonly animate. S<strong>in</strong>ce Wells et al. only used<br />

animate head nouns for both SRCs and ORCs the participants might have learned to<br />

handle the non-canonical animate-headed ORCs. Race and MacDonald (2003), Reali<br />

and Christiansen (2007a), and Reali and Christiansen (2007b) identify further probabilistic<br />

constra<strong>in</strong>ts that correlate with SRC/ORC corpus distributions. For example<br />

pronom<strong>in</strong>al ORCs mostly conta<strong>in</strong> personal pronouns whereas impersonal pronouns occur<br />

more frequently <strong>in</strong> SRCs. Furthermore there are differences <strong>in</strong> the NP-type <strong>of</strong> the<br />

embedded subjects that separate ORCs from other structures that exhibit an ‘NP that<br />

NPSubj VP’ sequence. The usage <strong>of</strong> a pronoun <strong>in</strong> the NPSubj position is highly correlated<br />

with ORCs. The Wells et al. study only used common nouns and all RCs were<br />

headed by the impersonal pronoun that, which both are potential properties subject to<br />

probabilistic learn<strong>in</strong>g s<strong>in</strong>ce they are deviations from natural frequency patterns.<br />

58

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