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… and the Pursuit of Happiness - Institute of Economic Affairs

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<strong>…</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> pursuit <strong>of</strong> happiness<br />

wellbeing <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong> government<br />

Tullock (1981) famously provided an explanation for why<br />

democracies tend to reach stable decisions, which rests on logrolling.<br />

This explanation also gives an intuitive reason for why<br />

democracies may reach too many decisions at too high a cost<br />

to voters, <strong>and</strong> thus why government spending above a ‘nightwatchman’<br />

level in many cases can be detrimental to national<br />

wellbeing. Tullock realised that to reach decisions that are<br />

supported by a majority <strong>and</strong> are unlikely to be overturned by <strong>the</strong><br />

next government, one has to combine support for different policy<br />

proposals such that all groups will vote for <strong>the</strong> combined package.<br />

This implies that relatively narrow groups, all with <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />

preferred spending item, can push <strong>the</strong>ir policy agendas through<br />

Parliament even though, individually, those policies may be to <strong>the</strong><br />

detriment <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> majority <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population. The need to reach a<br />

majority thus implies that overall spending is likely to be larger<br />

than preferred by most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> population <strong>and</strong> that <strong>the</strong> structure<br />

<strong>of</strong> spending will not reflect its preferences. Instead, spending will<br />

reflect <strong>the</strong> preferences <strong>of</strong> those groups that have political influence<br />

<strong>and</strong> which are likely to be pivotal in political bargains.<br />

Fur<strong>the</strong>r problems also point in <strong>the</strong> direction <strong>of</strong> excessive<br />

spending that effectively would lower <strong>the</strong> wellbeing <strong>of</strong> most <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> population. Politicians deciding on government spending<br />

arguably exploit voters’ income as a fiscal commons, as excessive<br />

spending today can be covered by excessive taxes tomorrow<br />

(Mueller, 2003). Such spending does not contribute to wellbeing<br />

<strong>and</strong> may even reduce it as voters relinquish control <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong>ir personal income. Now-classic studies also document that<br />

spending may be too high owing to politicians’ log-rolling, <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

preferences for ‘visible’ government projects, <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> lobbying<br />

activities <strong>of</strong> special interests (Tullock, 1959, 1981; Olson, 1965).<br />

Likewise, as government grows, so does <strong>the</strong> power <strong>of</strong> a bureaucratic<br />

elite with incentives to maximise budgets, personal staff or<br />

both (Niskanen, 1971). As bureaucracies grow, controlling <strong>the</strong>m<br />

consumes more resources, such that a growing government automatically<br />

triggers disproportionally higher expenses (Mueller,<br />

2003).<br />

One could argue that democracy allows voters to control politicians<br />

better, which would counteract <strong>the</strong> tendencies towards<br />

excessive government. The public choice literature also documents,<br />

however, that <strong>the</strong> behaviour <strong>of</strong> politicians aiming to be<br />

re-elected contributes to excessive spending <strong>and</strong> resource misallocation,<br />

which is facilitated by a large share <strong>of</strong> voters that are<br />

‘rationally ignorant’ (Downs, 1957). Politicians trying to win elections<br />

have strong incentives to be seen to be ‘doing something’ for<br />

specific groups in society. As such, subsidising important groups<br />

<strong>of</strong> voters or special interests causes excessive spending as well<br />

as additional spending that is allocated to purposes o<strong>the</strong>r than<br />

providing beneficial public goods. In total, much public choice<br />

<strong>the</strong>ory <strong>and</strong> Austrian information economics implicitly predict<br />

that government spending <strong>and</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r activities will ei<strong>the</strong>r be<br />

ir relevant or directly detrimental to wellbeing, when above some<br />

absolutely necessary level.<br />

Main determinants <strong>of</strong> national happiness<br />

When confronting <strong>the</strong>ory with <strong>the</strong> real world, <strong>the</strong> first question to<br />

ask concerns <strong>the</strong> factors that determine <strong>the</strong> differences in levels <strong>of</strong><br />

wellbeing across nations. A growing literature has explored a large<br />

number <strong>of</strong> different factors but found relatively few to be robustly<br />

associated with wellbeing; Bjørnskov et al. (2008a), Frey (2008)<br />

164 165

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