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… and the Pursuit of Happiness - Institute of Economic Affairs

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<strong>…</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> pursuit <strong>of</strong> happiness<br />

lessons <strong>the</strong> from unbearable austrian lightness <strong>and</strong> public <strong>of</strong> choice happiness economics policy<br />

pr<strong>of</strong>it opportunities that could generate benefits. These negative<br />

consequences are unobservable <strong>and</strong> unmeasurable because <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong>ir counterfactual nature. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, we do not know what<br />

would have transpired without <strong>the</strong> tax. Kirzner (ibid.) also notes<br />

how government intervention can result in a ‘wholly superfluous<br />

discovery process’, which occurs when an intervention results<br />

in entrepreneurial actions that are not anticipated, potentially<br />

resulting in negative outcomes. For example, as policymakers<br />

design <strong>and</strong> implement happiness policies <strong>the</strong>re is no doubt that<br />

various interest groups will expend resources to attempt to influence<br />

policy. These behaviours are pr<strong>of</strong>itable to <strong>the</strong> interest groups,<br />

but destructive at a social level because <strong>the</strong>y represent wasted<br />

resources allocated to transfers instead <strong>of</strong> productive activities.<br />

Moreover, it must be realised that government policies aimed<br />

at maximising happiness are non-neutral. As highlighted by<br />

Hayek (1976), questions <strong>of</strong> distribution are <strong>of</strong>ten misplaced in<br />

political economy because <strong>the</strong>y assume a fixed pie that is being<br />

divided up according to rules <strong>of</strong> distribution that are judged as<br />

fair or not. Hayek’s objection was not that fair divisions are not<br />

desirable. His criticism was that <strong>the</strong> rules <strong>of</strong> fair division are nonneutral<br />

with regard to <strong>the</strong> incentives <strong>and</strong> information associated<br />

with production. In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pie being divided<br />

is a function <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> way we divide <strong>the</strong> pie. Interventions aimed at<br />

redistribution shift <strong>the</strong> incentives <strong>and</strong> information faced by those<br />

engaged in <strong>the</strong> process that produces <strong>the</strong> goods being redistributed.<br />

Policies based on <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pie at one point in time will<br />

influence <strong>the</strong> size <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> pie in future periods.<br />

What ‘public goods’?<br />

As noted earlier, many happiness scholars conclude that a policy<br />

<strong>of</strong> taxing labour <strong>and</strong> certain goods is a way to resolve <strong>the</strong> progress<br />

paradox. Not only will this resolve <strong>the</strong> paradox, <strong>the</strong>y contend, but<br />

<strong>the</strong> tax revenue can <strong>the</strong>n be used to fund public goods that benefit<br />

society. Little focus or discussion, however, ever surrounds how<br />

policymakers will actually make decisions regarding <strong>the</strong> allocation<br />

<strong>of</strong> tax revenue to <strong>the</strong>se public goods. To underst<strong>and</strong> <strong>the</strong> practical<br />

issues at work, consider <strong>the</strong> st<strong>and</strong>ard logic behind public good<br />

provision.<br />

A pure public good has two specific characteristics. The first<br />

characteristic is that it is non-rivalrous, meaning that one individual’s<br />

consumption does not reduce o<strong>the</strong>rs’ ability to consume<br />

<strong>the</strong> good. The second characteristic is that it is non-excludable,<br />

which means that once <strong>the</strong> good is produced, individuals cannot<br />

be prevented from consuming <strong>the</strong> good. In <strong>the</strong>ory, public goods<br />

are under-supplied on <strong>the</strong> unhampered market because <strong>of</strong> issues<br />

associated with free-riding <strong>and</strong> pricing. The st<strong>and</strong>ard solution to<br />

problems associated with public goods is some combination <strong>of</strong><br />

government provision <strong>and</strong> government subsidies to correct for <strong>the</strong><br />

shortfall. Practical difficulties emerge, however, in <strong>the</strong> movement<br />

from <strong>the</strong>ory to practice to solve <strong>the</strong> public good problem.<br />

The core problem is obtaining <strong>the</strong> knowledge necessary to<br />

provide <strong>the</strong> ‘right’ amount <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> good. Market failures emerge<br />

from <strong>the</strong> inability <strong>of</strong> unhampered markets to achieve allocative<br />

efficiency – in <strong>the</strong> case <strong>of</strong> public goods this results in an undersupply<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> good. In <strong>the</strong>ory, government interventions can<br />

contribute to <strong>the</strong> achievement <strong>of</strong> this ideal by increasing production.<br />

This justification for government intervention in <strong>the</strong> market<br />

assumes, however, that government agents know <strong>the</strong> optimal level<br />

216 217

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