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One more last working class hero

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firefighters’, such as Ricky, were put in the middle seat to achieve this effect. It is also interesting that ‘outside’ is<br />

also the location that officers now have at a fire.<br />

Firefighters divide between three groups (although this is not an either or and is contextual on the situation at the<br />

time):<br />

1. those whose beliefs have not moved far from the commonsense view;<br />

2. those who realise the hegemony at work, consciously marginalise the feminist critique, the efforts of the<br />

FBU and employees;<br />

3. the minority of firefighters who publicly support female firefighters.<br />

These first two groups are then partly responsible for why there are fewer female firefighters than might be expected.<br />

They make two convincing arguments:<br />

1. ‘the introduction of females into the fire service has reduced standards and made The Job soft’;<br />

2. ‘female’s ‘natural’ femininity is a source of danger to the men who work alongside them’.<br />

Current debates <strong>more</strong> often pass both possibilities off as a <strong>class</strong>ic malestream excuse. However, there may be a lack of<br />

sophistication in this approach, because it conflates the two groups of ‘doubters’ rather than looking at them as two<br />

separate groups. My own auto-critique provides a useful clue here; in an unreconstructed organisation like the fire<br />

service, it may be necessary to convince those male firefighters who actually believe the commonsense arguments about<br />

strength and irrationality that these arguments are flawed.<br />

Firefighting, as it is currently practiced, can be a life and death job. Firefighters have to know their colleagues can<br />

be trusted to follow their understandings and the informal but sophisticated tests within their <strong>working</strong> arrangements<br />

provide this knowledge (see Seidler 1997) 212 . In this context it could be argued that the first group of firefighters above<br />

are not so much rejecting equal opportunities, rather they actively prefer homosociality. This then leads to them only<br />

passing on their skills to those that their socialisation leads them to believe can be trusted to support them: other men.<br />

However, it is possible that homosociality does not only need to be about men preferring to work with men per se. It<br />

could equally be a way of ensuring a preference to work with people who can achieve firefighters’<br />

understandings/protocols/masculinity. To date, commonsense notions, which underwrite traditional gender divisions of<br />

labour, have assumed this understanding/masculinity is essentially male 213 . Now I argue (and to a limited extent have<br />

demonstrated) that the way firefighters ‘prove’ their masculinity whilst firefighting, might not be a male preserve: female<br />

firefighters are doing it as well. This information needs to be made available to firefighters in a way that they can<br />

understand. They are unlikely to just take the word of their employers, or academia: they need some proof that their<br />

hands-on approach to life and the watch (their primary reference group) can recognise.<br />

Once this information is made available to firefighters, they will then have a choice. They can join with the second<br />

group, above, who consciously continue to resist the obvious, that females can learn to be firefighters. Better, perhaps<br />

they accept that their masculinity is something they learn to do: a social attribute that firefighters’ informal hierarchies are<br />

able to teach women as well as men how to be firefighters. Then female firefighters can be treated with no less suspicion<br />

than any other recruit and be freely taught the major and positive attributes that they see as the skills that constitute<br />

firefighters’ masculinity. The less positive attributes, which firefighters might try to impose on each other, can then<br />

become a focus for research aimed at making further change possible. Indeed female firefighters are already doing this,<br />

because whilst they are accepting the way firefighters fight fires, their networks are actively discouraging the negative<br />

behaviour of their male counterparts 214 .<br />

103<br />

6.4. CLASS<br />

The fire service is an unwanted expense for capital, but in an advanced capitalist society, capital cannot do without a fire<br />

service. Firefighters’ work is therefore secure and even <strong>more</strong> so since local authorities have replaced the insurance<br />

companies who previously ran the fire service. However, the local authorities are in somewhat of a contradictory situation<br />

in relation to the cost of the fire service: on the one hand, the electorate appear to want to retain the fire service in its<br />

current model and on the other hand capital would like to reduce the cost. Similar divisions exist within the fire service,<br />

with senior officers appearing to support the view of capital, and firefighters following and setting the electorates’ view.<br />

212 Such a system inevitably has to deal with those who will not fit-in with firefighters’ protocols for firefighting. Therefore it is not surprising that<br />

firefighters have found ways to exclude or marginalise them to positions where they do not need to be trusted. Such a position might be outside of the<br />

building during a fire and Chapter 3 has shown that ‘deviant firefighters’, such as Ricky, were put in the middle seat to achieve this effect. It is also<br />

interesting that ‘outside’ is also the location that officers now have at a fire.<br />

213 Whilst not wishing to widen this debate at this stage, it would be wrong not to comment on the landmark refusal by the European Courts to refuse an<br />

appeal to allow women to become Royal Marines. In my opinion this decision was based on the very situation of men believing women cannot adopt<br />

their standards in regards to masculinity and how when it came to national security the possibility of upsetting the men and consequently risking national<br />

security, it was <strong>more</strong> important to deny women equal opportunities. The court ruled that as the Royal Marines were the, “point of the arrow head …<br />

intended to be the first line of attack. … The exclusion of women from service in special combat units such as the Royal Marines may be justified under<br />

Article 2(2) of Council Directive 76/207/EEC of 9 February 1976 on the implementation of the principle of equal treatment for men and women as<br />

regards access to employment, vocational training and promotion, and <strong>working</strong> conditions, by reason of the nature of the activities in question and the<br />

context in which they are carried out” (European Court 1999).<br />

214 In particular, women’s networks in the fire service are actively discouraging all three of what are possibly the most significant negative aspects of<br />

firefighters masculinity, their institutional sexism, racism and homophobia. It may be that these networks are consciousness raising groups attempting to<br />

raise women’s understandings, but some women resist joining them (see Andrews 2000).

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