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One more last working class hero

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Many leaders often emerge who are not junior officers and indeed their leadership is sometimes so strong it can<br />

overwhelm the weaker junior officer and management becomes almost a competitive issue.<br />

When I was a watch-commander I thought I was in charge, but I now realise that running the watch was rarely “a<br />

competitive issue”, which I subjectively viewed myself as winning, but <strong>more</strong>-often a compromise in which I may well<br />

have been a lesser partner but actually kidded myself I was in charge. Alf explains:<br />

87<br />

Alf<br />

I think some of the decisions of the general running of the watch are negotiable, i.e. if a watchcommander<br />

requires you to act in a certain way all day every day and the whole watch disagree with<br />

that, you call a meeting and you say sorry Guv, but we don’t like this. We don’t want to get up at 0900<br />

and polish fire engines till 1345, we think that is too much. We don’t mind polishing the fire engines,<br />

we’re quite prepared .. we know they have got to be cleaned up .. how about if we just do it every other<br />

day until 1130’. And then you strike a good compromise and you then build a <strong>working</strong> relationship, as<br />

far as that goes. Yes you have a watch-commander but his role is negotiable. We are not tin soldiers;<br />

we are human beings; we have opinions and we are all entitled to voice them.<br />

[My emphases].<br />

In an organisation with formal/written rules, Alf is describing the informal compromise between the watch and their<br />

officers 190 . Firefighters can often work together for decades and experiential knowledge suggests that there will very often<br />

be flashpoints. These are <strong>more</strong> common when a new watch officer arrives, but in a group so socialised to fitting-in,<br />

boundaries are negotiable. There is a fire service expression, ‘don’t wash your dirty linen in public’ and firefighters were<br />

not always so ready to explain problems within the watch, nor the negotiations that sorted them out:<br />

Ted:<br />

It would be behind closed doors anyway.<br />

(Ted, Brigade one, firefighter, 1.25 years’ service, age 23).<br />

However, unlike Arnold, I did not just pop in for a cup of tea with firefighters during my research. I spent time<br />

with them and eventually I gained a considerable amount of data from firefighters about the informal negotiation at<br />

stations. Watch-commanders were not so accessible, nor prepared to trust me. Only one watch-commander admitted to<br />

the watch organising so democratically. However, any officer caught negotiating the rules would be subject to censure, or<br />

worse and I am not at all surprised by their silence. Accepting that watch-commanders were unlikely to provide evidence<br />

of compromise in a direct form, I used my experiential knowledge to look at a number of key sites to explore whether<br />

firefighters were resisting specific BO’s with their watch-commander’s complicity.<br />

5.4.2. Dynamic risk assessment (DRA)<br />

The Health and Safety Executive (HSE) have followed up their concerns about safety in the fire service by issuing several<br />

‘Notices’. The fire service response relates to improving management of firefighters (see Robinson 1998). During my<br />

observations at the Fire Service College (FSC), I found that this was being done by training watch-commanders to<br />

implement DRA. By attending a lecture on DRA I found this ‘new’ safety feature requires watch-commanders to balance<br />

firefighters’ safety against the potential risk, before allowing firefighters to get-in. The teaching includes the possibility<br />

that officers may have to prevent firefighters from getting-in if officers judged the risk too high. This appears to conflict<br />

with the findings of Chapter 3 and firefighters’ response to DRA could provide an early ‘barometer’ to firefighters’<br />

resistance, and watch officers’ complicity in this. Given that this ‘rational’ intervention by officers has FBU support<br />

(Mathews 1997), during a break in the lecture, I asked a group of officers, from a variety of brigades, about what impact<br />

the lecture had on them. Their answers were immediate; all suggest a considerable resistance to DRA and I quickly<br />

scribbled these answers in my fieldbook:<br />

• it’s one thing talking about it in the <strong>class</strong>room situation. On the fireground the <strong>last</strong> thing on your mind is a court<br />

of law;<br />

• anoraks (a new word describing officers who did not have any idea of the real world, as these watch-commanders<br />

see it, of firefighting);<br />

• the hardest thing of all is to stop the crew;<br />

• the crew rig in B.A. on route to a persons reported, they are already breathing air before they get off;<br />

• if you tried to stop them they would push you out of the way.<br />

There were clearly concerns amongst these watch-commanders, if not outright resistance to the whole notion of DRA. If<br />

these concerns influence watch-commanders behaviour <strong>more</strong> than the training they are being given, then DRA might not<br />

improve the management of firefighters. Therefore, I looked to see if DRA is an area of compromise and negotiation<br />

between firefighters and their officers, or if firefighters listen to their union. Jasper suggests not:<br />

190 It may be that the close affiliation the fire service has with the navy could be important here. There were some surprisingly liberal regimes in the 18 th<br />

century navy, where officers sometimes took a vote before entering into a battle (Grint 1998: 53). Nelson’s decision to break the rules by using his blind<br />

eye is perhaps the most celebrated act of disobedience in the British military and naval traditions may contrast considerably with the army whose blind<br />

obedience led to the carnage at Balaclava.

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