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One more last working class hero

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elevate their command and control responsibility, outside of the building on fire, as if that were firefighting 26 . Examples<br />

of this appear within the firefighters’ journals, where the description of major incidents often inflates officers’ role to a<br />

point where firefighters’ attendance at the incident almost appears coincidental: an unskilled job that anyone can do 27 .<br />

Such views increase the gap between firefighters and officers, and the way officers marginalise firefighters’ skills, appears<br />

to support firefighters’ view (above) that officers always justify their own position as key in the organisation. It is also<br />

very noticeable that when research takes place by the members of the Divisional and Brigade Command courses at The<br />

Fire Service College (FSC) 28 , it is predominantly about command and control (how officers control firefighters, manage<br />

fire brigades and technical developments): a view that invariably looks down on firefighters and does little to take their<br />

views into account 29 . Further examples of how officers marginalise firefighters’ skills (a point that particularly angers<br />

firefighters), is that at an important incident, it is always senior officers who appear on the television, as if to steal<br />

firefighters’ glory. As one watch-commander pointedly said during a lecture on command and control at FSC, “as soon as<br />

the cameras are around the command structures collapse – the white hats are there.” It appears that until fire service<br />

officers recognise that they have to work with firefighters, rather than operating as if they can order them about, the fire<br />

service will continue to have difficulties in operating to provide best value.<br />

1.3.10. Senior officers’ firefighting experience<br />

Senior Officers operate on a different shift system to firefighters in order for the them all to at least attend fires. They do<br />

this by taking turns at being the ‘duty officer’, who has responsibility to take charge of ‘makeups’ 30 within their area.<br />

However, following the 1977/78 firefighter’s strike, there was an increase in the numbers of senior officers (probably to<br />

improve managerial control). This speeded up promotion then and because <strong>more</strong> senior officers are needed to replace<br />

them as they retire, it continues to increase the rate of promotion. The experience an officer gets from their time spent as<br />

firefighters has consequently also reduced. It must also be considered that the increase in officers, without an additional<br />

increase in makeups meant that there were fewer large fires for officers to attend. As an example, after the strike<br />

(1977/78) each of the 12 LFB divisions of 11 stations had an increase in senior officers from 5 to 16. Recently, senior<br />

officer numbers are reducing, but there are currently 264 senior officers in the LFB. These officers have to share the<br />

experience to be gained from the 581 makeup incidents that the 112 LFB stations attended in 1998/9. Although a crude<br />

example 31 , this suggests that each senior officer might attend 2 incidents in a year, and because only 19 of these makeups<br />

involved <strong>more</strong> than 8 pumps, this supports a view that not only is senior officers experience of attending fires limited, but<br />

that only rarely and by chance do senior officers actually attend large fires. In Brigades outside of London, senior officers<br />

may ‘go on’ to fires <strong>more</strong> regularly, but at most incidents the watch officer will have ‘sent the stop’ before they arrive<br />

(‘stop’ and other messages are sent from fires to inform the mobilising officers at control of the situation at the fire).<br />

<strong>One</strong> example of the gap developing between officer and firefighters is when firefighters complain that their officers<br />

have ‘lost’ 32 substantial buildings by withdrawing firefighters from the fire too early (see Chapters 3 and 5). This<br />

argument stems from the fact that if a fire is spreading inside a building, it can only be stopped by firefighters ‘getting-in’<br />

to extinguish it (see Chapter 3). There may be some truth in firefighters’ argument that officers withdraw firefighters from<br />

a fire too early, because as the explanation above suggests, officers are now clearly less experienced at actually<br />

firefighting and might err on the side of safety. However, firefighters’ arguments might not be altogether fair when they<br />

accuse senior officers of ‘losing’ a building. It has to be understood that once a fire has reached a certain size and<br />

intensity, then it is very dangerous for firefighters to remain inside the building. Therefore, it is possible that some of<br />

firefighters’ argument will be anti-officer. There are also complicated issues about imagery at work at this time because<br />

8<br />

26 I am not going to comment in detail on the rights and wrongs of single tier entry promotion. However, in Chapter 5 I do suggest the difficulties of<br />

such a system, and here I suggest that the fire service might be better managed if officers concentrated on managing and forgot the notion of being<br />

operational. Officers though are unlikely to propose this because once they were ‘reduced’ to being managers, then managers from outside the fire<br />

service could apply for their job. The single tier entry system would then no longer support their sole right to be officers and the employment of<br />

professional managers would reduce if not stop completely the right of firefighters to rise through the ranks. The way that officers resist the employment<br />

of professional managers may be partly responsible for why the fire service finds it so difficult to change its approaches, especially to equal<br />

opportunities. Strangleman (1998) identifies that railway culture only really changed when managers from the private sector were brought in.<br />

27 Segars (1989: 5) raises exactly the same point when he argues that “most fire service histories … concentrate excessively on chief fire officers and<br />

their role in technical innovation as leaders of men. … The part played by the ordinary rank and file fireman and his importance is totally ignored.”<br />

28 Each student on these two high profile courses has to complete a dissertation from their own research. In the case of the Brigade Command Course,<br />

the research involves an international project funded by the Home Office. All these dissertations are available in The Fire Service College Library. They<br />

are clearly in-house, written for the examiner and therefore unlikely to challenge current wisdom, but they do provide an understanding of the view of<br />

future officers and those who train them. It is my judgement that in academic terms they range between A level standard and Masters.<br />

29 Most of this research is quantitative and little of it involves interviewing anyone, least of all firefighters and those interviews that are done appear not<br />

to have been transcribed. <strong>One</strong> senior officer at FSC told me about his research and his metaphors were interesting in that they portray a common view<br />

amongst senior officers that running the fire service would be easier without firefighters. He spoke of station-commanders as “sleeping with the enemy”<br />

and about the “pathological behaviour of the watch.” However, aware as they are of firefighters’ ability to resist their actions, apart from innocent<br />

asides, officers do not publicise this knowledge. Nor do they use their research opportunities to look at why the problem exists, but just seek to find<br />

better ways of managing firefighters without identifying the dynamics behind the actors they are trying to manage.<br />

30 This term relates to fires where the officer in charge decides the initial attendance of two appliances is insufficient to deal with the incident and radio<br />

for <strong>more</strong> pumps to control the fire (see Chapter 3).<br />

31 There is a considerable amount of data produced in Appendix 6 and this particular use of the data hopes to provide an overview and uses averages.<br />

Some senior officers will attend <strong>more</strong> fires, but that inevitably means others will attend less. The statistics may also be skewed, because at large fires<br />

several senior officers will attend, although only one will be in charge. However, most makeups are not generally large fires: the majority will involve 4<br />

pumps at a single house fire and most of the work will be done before the senior officer arrives. The senior officer might have a considerable distance to<br />

travel to the fire and does not get the call until the makeup is sent (by the watch-commander who has arrived at the fire).<br />

32 The term lost means that the fire has ‘won’, firefighters have had to withdraw and have in effect given in (see Chapter 3).

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