One more last working class hero
One more last working class hero
One more last working class hero
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masculinity. Contextually, I accept that most men will construct their individual masculinity according to a cultural<br />
understanding: a false monolith/normative standard of what men are supposed to be. At the start of my research I set out<br />
to question how this understanding and my occupation as a firefighter influenced my gender. By that time I had no doubts<br />
that masculinity was a social application that had many forms and for each of these I might expect to find a social reason<br />
for their existence and not a biological one (see Rabinow 1986: 4). Therefore, when the research started I had a good idea<br />
of where I wanted it to go, but at that stage, I was not exactly breaking new ground, many had been there before me.<br />
However, my research was in a new area and by using pro-feminist auto-critique to study how firefighters construct their<br />
masculinity, my particular aim was to help the fire service with its equal opportunities difficulties.<br />
I also anticipated that as firefighting might be considered a high profile ‘male’ job (which contextually supports the<br />
false monolith of masculinity) that if I could ‘prove’ how social firefighters attributes were, I may challenge the<br />
essentialist link that commonsense views apply to masculinity and to firefighters. In so doing, I was also hoping to<br />
subvert a patriarchal hegemony that provides a dividend for men. In particular, I hoped to challenge one patriarchal<br />
dividend, the sequential traditional gender division of labour (see Collinson 1988; Kimmel 1987; Cockburn 1991a; Lorber<br />
1994; Connell 1995), which in turn supports the view that firefighters are male.<br />
I had been doing my research for four years when Lorber (2000) suggested a degendering movement amongst<br />
feminists. I already had notions about using the high profile public figure of the firefighter to deconstruct masculinity and<br />
to do this by building on earlier arguments that we all make choices (Gerson 1986: 116). I hope this research provides<br />
some tools to help with degendering, because I consider I have shown that people of a like mind (regardless of their sex)<br />
who set out to become good firefighters construct the main elements of firefighters’ masculinity. The other elements are<br />
<strong>more</strong> a local construction, peculiar almost to the watch on which a firefighter serves. Throughout the country each watch<br />
will have its own ‘agreed’ way of fitting-in together. Some watches will require a high commitment to fitness, others<br />
might look to extreme forms of heterosexuality and sexism and sit up all night watching porn videos, others will have a<br />
strong connection to the union and some will be avid fund raisers.<br />
Whilst I said at the start of this report I have no belief in masculinity as pre-given, I did recognise that firefighters<br />
might find it difficult to understand life without such a word. Although a sociologist’s view, I suggest that firefighters’<br />
masculinity is:<br />
Firefighters’ masculinity is a social construction and has a central feature that firefighters achieve by passing the test<br />
of being seen as a good firefighter. The standards for this test are set by the watch in the form of ‘universal’<br />
protocols for firefighting and individually each firefighter has their own subjective interpretation of what these<br />
standards are, and when they get-in at a fire they set out to achieve them in their own, their watch’s and the public’s<br />
eyes. The other elements are a <strong>more</strong> local construction, variable and peculiar almost to the watch on which a<br />
firefighter serves, and throughout the country each watch will have its own ‘agreed’ way of fitting-in with these.<br />
Those who firefighters see as unable to achieve these standards (sometimes because firefighters will not let them) then<br />
become an ‘other’, someone who firefighters marginalise and judge themselves against. This combination is what<br />
firefighters call their masculinity.<br />
108<br />
6.5.5. A way forward<br />
<strong>One</strong>, if not the most, negative feature attributed to masculinity is that it creates a hierarchy that subordinates women (and<br />
weaker males) and valorises attributes that perpetuate violence. These hierarchies underpin masculinity and the<br />
commonsense understandings that only men could be masculine. They also lead to the current understanding of<br />
homosociality as a way that men perpetuate the gender division of labour. However, some of the evidence from this report<br />
suggests that it may not be possible to carry out firefighting as it is currently done without firefighters’ informal<br />
hierarchies. Therefore whilst I have no intention of arguing that the critique of masculinity should cease, it is possible that<br />
feminists and pro-feminists have become to intent on critique. It must be considered that ignoring the positive outcomes<br />
from men’s behaviour, does avoid the reality that (for whatever reason) some groups turn to other groups for<br />
protection/help. The firefighter is a case in point and no amount of bad press has been able to topple their status with the<br />
public and even feminist sociologists. What has been missed, is that firefighters protect everybody from fire, not only<br />
damsels in distress, but also ‘other’ men who need help, even off duty firefighters. It is firefighters’ ability to help the<br />
public and the fact that even now the fire service is predominantly male that allows firefighters to provide an image of<br />
masculinity.<br />
My qualitative methodology, which was in part adopted to convey firefighters’ views and experiences in a way<br />
that would make sense to them, has brought to light some unexpected data on female firefighters. As I note in Chapter 3,<br />
female firefighters describe their job and how they firefight in almost identical terms to male firefighters. This suggests<br />
that women see themselves as firefighters as effectively and in the same terms as men. This evidence was unexpected and<br />
almost missed, but it is clear in the terms of my description of firefighters’ masculinity that women as well as men are<br />
achieving the masculine standards that I set out to find amongst male firefighters. This leads me to pose some questions<br />
for future research and for feminists to consider. The first question is, ‘what do we call the gender of women who are<br />
good firefighters and therefore achieve the attributes central to how firefighters construct their masculinity?’ The second