RACIST VIOLENCE IN 15 EU MEMBER STATES - Cospe

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RACIST VIOLENCE IN 15 EU MEMBER STATES - A Comparative Overview of Findings from the RAXEN NFP Reports 2001-2004 indicators' with respect to criminal justice responses to different ethnic minority groups and the majority population. Only when these or comparable monitoring mechanisms are in place, will we be able to effectively judge each Member State's compliance with national and international laws that set out to combat discrimination, including racism and xenophobia. The effectiveness of legislation, which purports to be for ethnic minorities, can only be gauged when comprehensive and reliable monitoring systems are in place to establish the practical reality of ethnic minorities' experiences. Bearing in mind the above, the next chapter proceeds to look at some of the practical challenges faced by data collection on racist crime and violence in the EU. http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs/hors223.pdf); Home Office (UK government) research study 173 by Fitzgerald, M. and Sibbitt, R. (1997) ‘Ethnic Monitoring in Police Forces: A Beginning’ (see: http://www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/pdfs/hors173.pdf). 56
RACIST VIOLENCE IN 15 EU MEMBER STATES - A Comparative Overview of Findings from the RAXEN NFP Reports 2001-2004 3. Measuring the Extent and Nature of Racist Violence 3.1. BACKGROUND TO DATA COLLECTION Given that racist violence is difficult to conceptualise and define from a sociological, criminological and legal background, it is also difficult to ‘measure’ with any degree of accuracy. Patterns and trends in racist violence differ in time and place. What we do (and don’t) know about racist violence is largely a reflection of the politics of each period that determines what we can research, and how we research it. The influence of the Civil Rights movement beyond the borders of the USA, coupled with growing State and activist-led calls for victim-centred justice, has seen increasing interest in and research about experiences of racist victimisation. At the same time, criminal justice, both in the USA 61 and Europe 62 , has also focused on the question of minority ethnic offending and the over-representation of minority ethnic offenders in the criminal justice system. In this regard, recognition of minority populations’ experiences of victimisation balances the skewed focus on minority offending that can cloud the picture of minority populations’ experiences of ‘crime’. As indicated by the recent plethora of legal instruments at European level (1996 Joint Action; 2001 Proposal for a Council Framework Decision; 2000 Racial Equality Directive), interest in and responses to racist crime and violence is growing in importance. As a reflection of this, the central remit of DG Freedom, Justice and Security, as set out in the new European Constitution, is to combat ‘crime, racism and xenophobia’. Therefore, racism and xenophobia, and associated violent acts, are at the heart of Union policy. Yet the mechanisms in place for establishing the actual extent and nature of racist violence are limited. 61 62 Hawkins, D.F. (2003) Violent Crime: Assessing Race and Ethnic Differences, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Albrecht, H.J. (1997) ‘Ethnic Minorities, Crime and Criminal Justice in Germany’ in M. Tonry (ed.) Ethnicity, Crime and Immigration, Crime and Justice 21, London: University of Chicago Press; Junger, M. (1989) Discrepencies between Police and Self- Report Data for Dutch Racial Minorities, British Journal of Criminology, 29(3), Summer, 273-284; Junger Tas, J., Terlouw, J.G. and Klein, M. (1994) (eds.) Delinquent Behaviour Among Young People in the Western World: First Results of the International Self-Report Delinquency Survey, Amsterdam: Kugler. 57
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