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RACIST VIOLENCE IN 15 EU MEMBER STATES - Cospe

RACIST VIOLENCE IN 15 EU MEMBER STATES - Cospe

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<strong>RACIST</strong> <strong>VIOLENCE</strong> <strong>IN</strong> <strong>15</strong> <strong>EU</strong> <strong>MEMBER</strong> <strong>STATES</strong> - A Comparative Overview of Findings from the RAXEN NFP Reports 2001-2004<br />

violent acts. The Ombudsman stressed that certain national groups feel unable to<br />

report to the police because of fear of ill-treatment from them; these feelings are<br />

particularly acute in cases involving allegations of police violence.<br />

However, abuse by agents of the State continues to be reported. Notably, in<br />

September 2004, some army commandos violently abused a group of illegal<br />

immigrants on a remote island and videoed their abuse. Encouragingly, once these<br />

abuses came to light, the Ministry of the Defence took swift action – though an<br />

incentive for this could have been the international media outcry in the aftermath of<br />

revelations about US soldiers’ abuses of inmates at Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq.<br />

In light of the media attention on Athens in the period of the Olympic games, some<br />

effort was made to encourage the police to effectively deal with other nationalities.<br />

A handbook was issued to police officers, containing national and international<br />

references to human and civil rights, and instructions on how to deal with non-<br />

Greek speakers.<br />

At the level of local government, a number of initiatives have been established that<br />

also address different aspects of discrimination and racism, including racist<br />

violence. For example, under the terms of law 2910/2001, local councils for the<br />

prevention of crime have been recently established in ten municipalities with the<br />

remit to, amongst other things, combat racism and violence. And in 2002, in view<br />

of municipal elections, the ‘Citizens’ Movement Against Racism’ drew up an<br />

‘Anti-Racist Charter for Local Authorities’, which many left of centre candidates<br />

included in their election programmes and campaigns.<br />

At the same time as mechanisms do not exist to effectively monitor racist violence,<br />

existing legislation is woefully inadequate in punishing racist offenders; for<br />

example:<br />

Law 927/1979, which is now 25 years old, is the only specifically anti-racist<br />

criminal law in Greece, which states that: ‘whoever intentionally and publicly<br />

instigates, either orally or in the press or through written texts or illustrations or<br />

through any other means, acts or activities capable of provoking discrimination,<br />

hatred or violence against persons or a group of persons, only due to their racial or<br />

national origin, is punishable by imprisonment of up to two years or a fine or both’.<br />

The law has been amended to include participation in organised racist groups and<br />

discrimination on the grounds of religion. However, to date, there has only been<br />

one attempt to enforce this law.<br />

A range of legal provisions are in place, including mechanisms for monitoring the<br />

authorities – such as the Greek Ombudsman (Law 2477/1997), which,<br />

theoretically, should be able to address a range of discriminatory and racist<br />

treatment. However, as illustrated by the ineffectiveness of Law 927/1979 (above),<br />

there is the ‘law in the books’ and the ‘law in practice’.<br />

In sum, Greek legislation against racist violence and mechanisms for monitoring<br />

incidents of racist violence, and criminal justice responses to them, are ineffectual<br />

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