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Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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954 P. Goedegebuure<br />

locatival verb, they nicely follow the patterns established for identify<strong>in</strong>g<br />

focus constituents <strong>in</strong> DECLs.<br />

The focus expression kuwapi ‘where(to)’ <strong>in</strong> (5) is found <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial position,<br />

even though its position before the verb pai- might imply otherwise.<br />

Usually the phraseological verbs pai- ‘to go’ and uwa- ‘to come’ occur <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>itial position, followed by other constituents and f<strong>in</strong>ally the ma<strong>in</strong> verb<br />

(Van den Hout 2003: 184–188). Here, however, paimi ‘I go’ is <strong>in</strong> preverbal<br />

position, pushed aside by kuwapi <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial position. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

Table 3, a1 this could po<strong>in</strong>t at identify<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>formation focus for kuwapi,<br />

and this is <strong>in</strong>deed the case. (5) is a rare example of a reactive move with<br />

more than two constituents. As a result the rest of the clause, ‘the go<strong>in</strong>g<br />

and search<strong>in</strong>g for him’ is part of the common background; because there<br />

is only one element <strong>in</strong> focus, kuwapi, we have an identify<strong>in</strong>g focus structure.<br />

Additionally, kuwapi does not occur <strong>in</strong> a counterexpectant context,<br />

which means that we have identify<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>formation focus.<br />

The representation of (5), an identify<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>formation focus structure, is:<br />

(11) (A I :[(F I : INTER (F I )) (P I ) S (P J ) A (C I :[{(Bid Cs R I ) Inf IdFoc }{(R J )<br />

(R K )(T I )}] (C I ))](A I ))<br />

The other <strong>in</strong>stances of kuwapi ‘where(to)’ are found <strong>in</strong> identify<strong>in</strong>g replac<strong>in</strong>g<br />

focus, without -pat. This adverb is accord<strong>in</strong>gly found <strong>in</strong> preverbal<br />

position (Table 3, a4), as (12) illustrates: 16<br />

(12) § Pulli just wrote me from the city of Kasipura: ‘‘It is Himuili who<br />

does not give the seed for the plowed fields of Dapikka and<br />

Tahasara: there is no seed!’’ § The seeds about which you Himuili<br />

said to me: ‘‘Seeds have now been sown <strong>in</strong> Dapikka, and some <strong>in</strong><br />

Anziliya, some <strong>in</strong> Hariya, and some <strong>in</strong> Hanikka’’,<br />

nu ap-ē numun H˘ I:A kuwapi p[ai-]s<br />

conn dem-N.acc.pl seed pl whereto give-2sg.pst<br />

‘where to have you g[iven] those seeds <strong>in</strong>stead?’<br />

(MH/MS letter, HKM 55 obv. 16–17).<br />

The representation of the identify<strong>in</strong>g replac<strong>in</strong>g focus structure of (12) is<br />

given <strong>in</strong> (13); (14) represents the structure of (7) with select<strong>in</strong>g focus on a<br />

Q-word:<br />

(13) (C I : [{(R I ) Top? (R J )(T I )}{(Bid Cs R K ) Rep/S IdFoc }](C I ))<br />

(14) (C I :[{(Bid Cs R I ) Rep/S IdFoc }{(R J )(T I )}] (C I ))<br />

In (13) the ‘þid sR K ’ act is the Q-word, the R I -act stands for ‘you’, and<br />

the R J -act represents ‘those seeds’. The comb<strong>in</strong>ation {(R I )(R J )(T I )} ‘you<br />

giv<strong>in</strong>g those seeds’ forms the presupposition, <strong>in</strong> this case because it is part<br />

of the contextual component (the shared background). 17 In (14) {(R J )

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