Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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968 P. Goedegebuure Dik, Simon C. 1997b. The theory of functional grammar, part II: Complex and derived constructions, edited by Kees Hengeveld (Functional Grammar Series 20). Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Drubig, H. Bernhard. 2003. Toward a typology of focus and focus constructions. Linguistics 41(1). 1–50. Erteschik-Shir, Nomi. 1986. WH-questions and focus. Linguistics and Philosophy 9. 117–149. Erteschik-Shir, Nomi. 1997. The dynamics of focus structure (Cambridge Studies in Linguistics 84). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Givón, Talmy. 2001. Syntax. An introduction. 2 vols. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Goedegebuure, Petra M. 2003. Reference, deixis and focus in Hittite: The demonstratives ka- ‘‘this’’, apa- ‘‘that’’ and asi ‘‘yon’’. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam dissertation. Green, Melanie & Philip J. Jaggar. 2003. Ex-situ and in-situ focus in Hausa: syntax, semantics and discourse. In Lecarme, J. (ed.), Research in Afroasiatic Grammar II, 187–213. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Güterbock, Hans G. & Harry A. Ho¤ner (eds.). 1995. The Hittite dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Volume P/2. Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Haan, Judith. 2002. Speaking of questions: An exploration of Dutch question intonation (LOT Dissertation Series 52). Utrecht: LOT. Hackstein, Olav. 2004. Von der Diskurssyntax zur Satzsyntax: Hethitisch kī kuit. In Detlev Groddek & Sylvester Rößle (eds.), Šarnikzel. Hethitologische Studien zum Gedenken an Emil Orgetorix Forrer (19.02.1894–10.01.1986) (Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie 10), 345–359. Dresden: Dresden University of Technology. Hajičová, Eva. 1983. On some aspects of presuppositions in questions. In Ferenc Kiefer (ed.), Questions and answers, 85–96. Dordrecht: Reidel. Hengeveld, Kees & J. Lachlan Mackenzie. 2008. Functional discourse grammar: A typologically-based approach to language structure. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Ho¤ner, Harry A. 1995. About questions. In Theo P. J. van den Hout & Johan de Roos (eds.), Studio historiae ardens: Ancient Near Eastern studies presented to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate on the occasion of his 65th birthday, 87–104. Leiden: Nederlands Historisch- Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul. Ho¤ner, Harry A. & H. Craig Melchert. 2008. A grammar of the Hittite language: Part I: Reference Grammar. (Languages of the Ancient Near East 1). Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. Hout, Theo van den. 2003. Studies in the Hittite phraseological construction I: Its syntactic and semantic properties. In Gary Beckman, Richard Beal & Gregory McMahon (eds.), Hittite studies in honor of Harry A. Ho¤ner Jr. on the occasion of his 65 th Birthday, 177– 204. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns. Jacobs, Joachim. 1991. Implikaturen und ‘alte Information’ in w-Fragen. In Marga Reis & Inger Rosengren (eds.), Fragesätze und Fragen: Referate anläßlich der 12. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft, Saarbrücken 1990, 201–221. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Jaeger, T. Florian. 2004. Topicality and superiority in Bulgarian wh-questions. In Olga Arnaudova, Wayles Browne, Maria-Luisa Rivero & Danijela Stojanovic (eds.), Formal approaches to Slavic linguistics 12: The Ottawa Meeting 2003, 207–228. Ann Arbor, MI: Michigan Slavic Publications. Kim, Alan Hyun-Oak. 1988. Preverbal focus position in type XIII languages. In Michael Hammond, Edith Moravcsik & Jessica Wirth (eds.), Studies in syntactic typology, 148– 171. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. É. Kiss, Katalin. 1998a. Discourse-configurationality in the languages of Europe. In Anna Siewierska (ed.), Constituent order in the languages of Europe, 681–727. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
Hittite Q-word questions 969 É. Kiss, Katalin. 1998b. Identificational focus versus information focus. Language 74. 245– 273. Lambrecht, Knud. 1994. Information structure and sentence form: Topic, focus and the mental representations of discourse referents. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Luraghi, Silvia. 1990. Old Hittite sentence structure. Routledge: London & New York. Lyons, Christopher. 1999. Definiteness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Mascheroni, Lorenza M. 1980. Il modulo interrogativo in eteo I: Note sintattiche. Studi Micenei ed Egeo Anatolici 22. 53–62. Mascheroni, Lorenza M. 1981. Il modulo interrogativo in eteo II: Impieghi stilistici. Oriens Antiquus. Studia Biblica et Orientalia 20. 99–105. Mascheroni, Lorenza M. 1983. Il modulo interrogativo in eteo III: Usi argomentativi. In O. Carruba, M. Liverani & C. Zaccagnini (eds.), Studi orientalistici in ricordo di Franco Pintore (Studia Mediterranea 4), 123–140. Pavia: GJES. Rieken, Elisabeth. 2000. Die Partikeln -a, -ia, -ma im Althehtitischen und das Akkadogramm Ù. In Michaela Ofitsch & Christian ˆ Zinko (eds.), 125 Jahre Indogermanistik in Graz, 411–419. Graz: Leykam. Rochemont, Michael S. 1986. Focus in Generative Grammar. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Rosengren, Inger. 1991. Zur Fokus-Hintergrund-Gliederung im Deklarativsatz und im w- Interrogativsatz. In Marga Reis & Inger Rosengren (eds.), Fragesätze und Fragen: Referate anläßlich der 12. Jahrestagung der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Sprachwissenschaft, Saarbrücken 1990, 175–200. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Rosengren, Inger. 1997. The thetic/categorical distinction revisited once more. Linguistics 35. 439–479. Toepel, Ulrike & Kai Alter. 2004. On the independence of information structural processing from prosody. In Anita Steube (ed.), Information Structure, theoretical and empirical aspects, 227–240. Berlin & New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Van Valin, Robert D., Jr. & Randy J. LaPolla. 1997. Syntax: Structure, meaning and function. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wu, Jianxin. 1996. WH-topic, WH-focus and WH-in-situ. University of Maryland Working Papers in Linguistics 4. 173–192.
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Universität zu Köln Institut für
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2 4. Accented *-u: no certain examp
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4 Melchert 1994: 186-7). NB makes v
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6 ēšta ‘was’ < *h 1 és-t. Ge
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8 References Agbayani, Brian, and C
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10 ——. 2008. The Origin of the
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2 No explanation is offered by Sihl
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4 zarwaniya- ‘of horn’ (C) < *k
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6 requires a preform with fixed mid
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8 no conditioned change of posttoni
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10 contrasting example to prove tha
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12 Appendix: Evidence for Three Set
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14 References Bader, Françoise. 19
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16 Starke, Frank. 1990. Untersuchun
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2 (1) HKM 18:18-20 (MH/MS) nu=mu k
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4 For (“CAPERE”)u-pa- as ‘bri
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6 Appendix 1 Provisional Analysis o
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8 3. /o:/ < *uh 2 wa-šu-u-(ḫa)
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10 Hackstein, Olav. 2007. Ablative
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2 B. Evidence for basic types 1. Op
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4 presents with 3Sg -atär/-etär o
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6 2. Effects of change of state oft
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H. Craig Melchert Università di Ro
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3 As to Grk. γέγωνε ‘shout
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Hittite ḫi-Verbs of the Type -āC
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3 would like to attribute the alter
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5 wappu- ‘river-bank’ reflects
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7 totally exclude laḫḫiya- < l
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9 *n e h 2 - > naḫḫ-. However,
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11 attempts Tischler (1983: 8-9). P
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13 We may thus assume that the preh
Page 63 and 64: 15 Kimball, Sara. 1988. Analogy, Se
Page 65 and 66: H. Craig Melchert University of Sie
Page 67 and 68: 3 E. Ergo not coincidental that onl
Page 69 and 70: On Wh-(Non)-Movement and Internal S
Page 71 and 72: On the Hittite Preposed Relative Cl
Page 73 and 74: 2.1. Movement driven by features On
Page 91 and 92: Focus structure and Q-word question
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Page 105 and 106: quires a lexically expressed subjec
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Page 127 and 128: kaiå eœlonto iërÈa SimÌan Kond
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Page 131 and 132: 3 (7) TÜNP 1 (text after Hawkins 2
Page 133 and 134: 5 MU.ḪI.A-uš ušneškemi kāša
Page 135 and 136: H. Craig Melchert Naming in Anatoli
Page 137 and 138: 3 (a) /pi:hamma/i-/ ‘resplendent;
Page 139 and 140: 5 4. Ethnica (in contrast with Hitt
Page 141 and 142: 7 5.2. Adverb+Noun (with deity or t
Page 143 and 144: 9 (36) */Tarhu(nta)-tsalma-/, i.e.
Page 145 and 146: 11 8.3 m Tarḫu(n)miya- (Maşat, H
Page 147 and 148: 13 ——. 1994. Über die chronolo
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Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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