Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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20 Mattyas Huggard (35) = (29) CP system (1997) and Kayne’s analysis of relativization in terms of head movement (1994:85–97), contribute to providing a framework which accounts for the data which was problematic for previous descriptions of the internal structure of preposed relatives. The observation made by Goedegebuure (2009) that focus assignment rules are the same for interrogatives and declaratives may be extended to relatives as well. These rules explain the different possible permuta-
On the Hittite Preposed Relative Clause 21 tions observed for the preposed relative-clause type in Hittite, while maintaining the semantic asymmetries observed by Held (1957) and formalized by Garrett (1994). The next step would be to examine preposed free relatives, postposed relatives, and Old Hittite embedded relatives, in order to verify whether the present proposal holds for them as well. Furthermore, comparative work based on Hittite, Ancient Greek, Latin, and Sanskrit may also provide support for a more extensive use of the left periphery in other daughter languages of PIE, as well as providing further clues for the role of pragmatics in PIE syntax and surface word order. References Adger, David. 2003. Core Syntax: A Minimalist Approach. New York: Oxford University Press. Alexiadou, Artemis, Paul Law, André Meinunger, and Chris Wilder (eds.). 2000. The Syntax of Relative Clauses (Linguistik Aktuell 32). Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Bianchi, Valentina. 2000. Some Issues in the Syntax of Relative Determiners. In Alexiadou et al. 2000, 53–81. Dayal, Veneeta. 1995. Quantification in Correlatives. In Emmon Bach, Eloise Jelinek, Angelika Kratzer, and Barbara H. Partee (eds.), Quantification in Natural Languages, 179–205. Dordrecht/Boston/London: Kluwer. Garrett, Andrew. 1994. Relative Clause Syntax in Lycian and Hittite. Die Sprache 36.29– 69. Goedegebuure, Petra. 2009. Focus Structure and Q-word Questions in Hittite. Linguistics 47/4.945–69. Hale, Mark R. 1987. Studies in the Comparative Syntax of the Oldest Indo-European Languages. Ph.D. diss., Harvard University. Held, Warren H., Jr. 1957. The Hittite Relative Sentence. Language 33/4 II.3, 7–52. Hoffner, Harry A., Jr., and H. Craig Melchert. 2008. A Grammar of the Hittite Language I: Reference Grammar (Languages of the Ancient Near East). Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. Kayne, Richard S. 1994. The Antisymmetry of Syntax (Linguistic Inquiry Monograph 25). Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Mahajan, Anoop. 2000. Relative Asymmetries and Hindi correlatives. In Alexiadou et al. 2000, 201–30. Probert, Philomen. 2006. Clause Boundaries in Old Hittite Relative Sentences. Transactions of the Philological Society 104.17–83. Rizzi, Luigi. 1997. The Fine Structure of the Left Periphery. In Liliane Haegeman (ed.), Elements of Grammar, 281–337. Dordrecht/Boston/London: Kluwer.
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Universität zu Köln Institut für
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2 4. Accented *-u: no certain examp
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4 Melchert 1994: 186-7). NB makes v
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6 ēšta ‘was’ < *h 1 és-t. Ge
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8 References Agbayani, Brian, and C
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10 ——. 2008. The Origin of the
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2 No explanation is offered by Sihl
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4 zarwaniya- ‘of horn’ (C) < *k
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6 requires a preform with fixed mid
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8 no conditioned change of posttoni
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10 contrasting example to prove tha
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12 Appendix: Evidence for Three Set
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14 References Bader, Françoise. 19
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16 Starke, Frank. 1990. Untersuchun
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2 (1) HKM 18:18-20 (MH/MS) nu=mu k
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4 For (“CAPERE”)u-pa- as ‘bri
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6 Appendix 1 Provisional Analysis o
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8 3. /o:/ < *uh 2 wa-šu-u-(ḫa)
Page 37 and 38: 10 Hackstein, Olav. 2007. Ablative
Page 39 and 40: 2 B. Evidence for basic types 1. Op
Page 41 and 42: 4 presents with 3Sg -atär/-etär o
Page 43 and 44: 6 2. Effects of change of state oft
Page 45 and 46: H. Craig Melchert Università di Ro
Page 47 and 48: 3 As to Grk. γέγωνε ‘shout
Page 49 and 50: Hittite ḫi-Verbs of the Type -āC
Page 51 and 52: 3 would like to attribute the alter
Page 53 and 54: 5 wappu- ‘river-bank’ reflects
Page 55 and 56: 7 totally exclude laḫḫiya- < l
Page 57 and 58: 9 *n e h 2 - > naḫḫ-. However,
Page 59 and 60: 11 attempts Tischler (1983: 8-9). P
Page 61 and 62: 13 We may thus assume that the preh
Page 63 and 64: 15 Kimball, Sara. 1988. Analogy, Se
Page 65 and 66: H. Craig Melchert University of Sie
Page 67 and 68: 3 E. Ergo not coincidental that onl
Page 69 and 70: On Wh-(Non)-Movement and Internal S
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Page 73 and 74: 2.1. Movement driven by features On
Page 87: On the Hittite Preposed Relative Cl
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Page 93 and 94: Hittite Q-word questions 947 di¤er
Page 95 and 96: Hittite Q-word questions 949 This q
Page 97 and 98: Hittite Q-word questions 951 Figure
Page 99 and 100: 4.2. Identifying focus and Q-word q
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Page 103 and 104: Hittite Q-word questions 957 with i
Page 105 and 106: quires a lexically expressed subjec
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Page 131 and 132: 3 (7) TÜNP 1 (text after Hawkins 2
Page 133 and 134: 5 MU.ḪI.A-uš ušneškemi kāša
Page 135 and 136: H. Craig Melchert Naming in Anatoli
Page 137 and 138: 3 (a) /pi:hamma/i-/ ‘resplendent;
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5 4. Ethnica (in contrast with Hitt
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7 5.2. Adverb+Noun (with deity or t
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9 (36) */Tarhu(nta)-tsalma-/, i.e.
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11 8.3 m Tarḫu(n)miya- (Maşat, H
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13 ——. 1994. Über die chronolo
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Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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