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Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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960 P. Goedegebuure<br />

In the follow<strong>in</strong>g example on the other hand, the referent of the objecttopic<br />

expression is discourse active for both speech participants, allow<strong>in</strong>g<br />

easy identifiability:<br />

(29) ‘‘To whom shall I give him, this child?’’<br />

kuis¼war¼an¼za¼an<br />

who-nom.sg¼quot¼him:acc.sg¼refl¼him:acc.sg<br />

[dā-i ]<br />

take-3sg.npst<br />

‘Who [shall take] him (and treat him as a gift?)’<br />

(NH myth, a 68)<br />

In the English comment focus clause (10b: ‘‘The cookies are gone! [Who<br />

ate] foc [them] top ?’’), the cookies are discourse active when the question is<br />

uttered. The focus of the question is the str<strong>in</strong>g ‘‘Who ate’’ 26 and is <strong>in</strong>tended<br />

to request additional <strong>in</strong>formation about the mental representation<br />

of the cookies. The question is ‘‘about’’ the cookies, which means that<br />

they stand <strong>in</strong> a topic relation to the rest of the clause. Besides be<strong>in</strong>g a request<br />

for <strong>in</strong>formation about the identity of the culprit, the communicative<br />

function of this act is to comment on the discourse and sentence topic the<br />

cookies. The FDG representation of Hittite (28) versus (29) and English<br />

(10b) is (30) versus (31), respectively:<br />

(30) (A I :[(F I : INTER (F I )) (P I ) S (P J ) A (C I :[{(Bid Cs R I )(T I )} InfFoc<br />

{(R J )(R K )} Top ](C I ))](A I ))<br />

(31) (A I :[(F I : INTER (F I )) (P I ) S (P J ) A (C I :[{(Bid Cs R I )(T I )} InfFoc<br />

(R J ) Top ](C I ))](A I ))<br />

In English the ascriptive subact is <strong>in</strong>tonationally prom<strong>in</strong>ent, and the referential<br />

topic subact is expressed by means of an unaccented pronoun. In<br />

Hittite we also f<strong>in</strong>d an unaccented pronoun for the topic subact.<br />

4.4. Report<strong>in</strong>g focus and Q-word questions<br />

When the speaker assumes that none of the <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>in</strong> the INTER is<br />

shared with the addressee, the question is out-of-the-blue. There is no<br />

shared pragmatic presupposition and the focus has therefore the whole<br />

communicated content <strong>in</strong> its scope (report<strong>in</strong>g focus). INTERs of this<br />

type could be a response to the question ‘‘What would you like to ask’’.<br />

Such an out-of-the-blue INTER is the equivalent of an event-report<strong>in</strong>g<br />

DECL answer<strong>in</strong>g ‘‘What happened’’ (Lambrecht 1994: 121, 124). The<br />

word order <strong>in</strong> Hittite event report<strong>in</strong>g DECLs is SOV/SXV (Luraghi<br />

1990: 85). 27 The same word order is observed for Hittite out-of-the-blue<br />

Q-word questions.

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