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Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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8<br />

Mattyas Huggard<br />

fifty-four ku- words show the follow<strong>in</strong>g distribution as presented by<br />

Goedegebuure (2009:947), and repeated here <strong>in</strong> table 1:<br />

Table 1. Relationship between l<strong>in</strong>ear order and grammatical role of Hittite Q-word<br />

questions<br />

Position S O Obl Adv Total<br />

Initial 6 0 1 12 19<br />

Preverbal 1 5 2 27 35<br />

Total 7 5 3 39 54<br />

Notice that <strong>in</strong> (13) the wh-phrase kuzza is <strong>in</strong> the ablative case and appears <strong>in</strong><br />

the predicted position for an oblique object. In (14) and (16) kuwapi is an adverbial<br />

wh-phrase and appears <strong>in</strong> the normal position adjo<strong>in</strong>ed to the verb phrase.<br />

In (15) kuit is <strong>in</strong> the accusative case and aga<strong>in</strong> appears <strong>in</strong> the predicted basegenerated<br />

position for an accusative object <strong>in</strong> an SOV language. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

the cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic evidence and analysis cited <strong>in</strong> §2.1, Hittite patterns with<br />

Mandar<strong>in</strong> Ch<strong>in</strong>ese: it is a wh-<strong>in</strong>-situ language <strong>in</strong> which the question words rema<strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong> their base-generated position <strong>in</strong> unmarked <strong>in</strong>terrogatives.<br />

However, although wh-expressions do not undergo wh-movement <strong>in</strong> an <strong>in</strong>terrogative<br />

clause type, this does not prevent other types of movement from tak<strong>in</strong>g<br />

place. Compar<strong>in</strong>g Focus structure <strong>in</strong> Hittite declaratives and <strong>in</strong>terrogatives,<br />

Goedegebuure (2009) provides strong evidence that Hittite wh-phrases occur <strong>in</strong> a<br />

pattern parallel to focused constituents <strong>in</strong> declarative sentences: the wh-word may<br />

rema<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> situ or be focused, either <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>itial position (the Focus position, as<br />

shown above <strong>in</strong> (4), which is lower than the C position) or preverbal position,<br />

depend<strong>in</strong>g on the type of focus. Her results are summarized below <strong>in</strong> table 2:<br />

Table 2. Focus scope and focus typology of Hittite Q-word questions<br />

Position <strong>in</strong> the clause Template<br />

Identification focus<br />

Information Initial position nu ku- (…) V<br />

Replac<strong>in</strong>g/select<strong>in</strong>g/reject<strong>in</strong>g Preverbal nu (…) ku- V<br />

Comment focus<br />

Information, subject Q-word <strong>in</strong> situ S(O)V (nu) ku- (…) V<br />

Information, object Q-word <strong>in</strong> situ (S)OV (nu) (…) ku- V<br />

Report<strong>in</strong>g focus<br />

Information, subject Q-word <strong>in</strong> situ S(O)V (nu) ku- (…) V

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