Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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10 Mattyas Huggard prospere successfully pugnat] fights “Tiberius Sempronius won a victory in the same days in which Cumae was released from the siege.” (Liv. 23.37.10) b. Sanskrit [[ CP [ DP yásmd REL-abl yóner ] i udrith ] [yáje womb arose-2sg.perf honor-1sg.pres “I honor the womb from which you arose.” (RV 2.9.3c) c. Medieval Russian I and [[tu that [ CP [ DP kotoruju which-acc zvezdu] i zaslonilo star was covered [ NP zvezdu ]] i potrebno star-acc necessary tueju ]. by cloud bylo was nam for us tám i ]] that-acc videt ]‚ to see “The star we needed to see was covered by a cloud.” De Vries’ observation (2002:148) that the wh-operator in Hindi correlatives may or may not move overtly to the initial position of the clause is related to the whin-situ property of Hindi interrogatives. Such a phenomenon may also be observed in Hittite correlatives, as exemplified in (19): (16) [ CP nu=kan conj=ptc kuenner ] nu kill-3pl.pret conj m Aparrun Aparru-acc m Tarini Tarini-nom [ DP kuedani REL-dat/loc URU Lakkun Lakku-acc INA in URU Lakku Lakku-loc pta seize-3sg.pret “Tarini seized (the city of) Lakku in which they killed Aparru.” (KBo 2.5 iv 7–9) The relative element (kuedani INA URU Lakku in (19)) appears to sit in base position in the RC just as the correlative demonstrative appears to be in base position in the main clause. The two constituents are introduced by specific determiners and their NP complement may be realized in both clauses as in (19), or it may be deleted in either one of them. Thus following de Vries (2002:145–53), the schematic representation of the correlative structure (19) is (20):
On the Hittite Preposed Relative Clause 11 (20) 3.2. Previous accounts of Hittite preposed relatives Predating generative syntax, Held’s survey of Hittite relative clauses (1957) divides Hittite relatives into preposed and postposed relatives. With respect to preposed relatives, Held (1957:4–13) notices two distinct patterns: wh-phrase initial relatives, which he terms indeterminate, and relative clauses with at least one accented constituent preceding the wh-element, which he terms determinate relative clauses. Expanding on Hale (1987) and Held (1957), Garrett’s proposal (1994) has the advantage of formalizing the semantics of Hittite correlatives based on typological evidence following Srivastav (1991), who postulates that preposed relative clauses have the semantic property of being quantificational, whereas postposed relatives are non-quantificational. Concerning preposed relatives, according to Garrett (1994:44), determinate relative clauses denote objects or individuals whose existence is presupposed in the discourse and in which the relative NP is definite; whereas for indeterminate relative clauses, the relative NP is indefinite and non-specific, denoting an indefinite entity whose existence may be in doubt. To illustrate, the following minimal pair of relatives can be found in an omen text. Example (21) occurs in the text before the precise nature of the votive offering has been determined, whereas, when example (22) occurs further along in the text, more information has been given about the nature of the goddess’ anger and which votive offerings are to be made: (21) kui REL-nom IKRIBU votive offering arninkanzi give compensation-3pl.pres arninkuwa compensation-gen.sg n=an conj=it-acc “Any votive offering which is to be made in restitution, they will make it in restitution.” (KBo 2.2 iii 33f)
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Universität zu Köln Institut für
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2 4. Accented *-u: no certain examp
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4 Melchert 1994: 186-7). NB makes v
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6 ēšta ‘was’ < *h 1 és-t. Ge
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8 References Agbayani, Brian, and C
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10 ——. 2008. The Origin of the
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2 No explanation is offered by Sihl
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4 zarwaniya- ‘of horn’ (C) < *k
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6 requires a preform with fixed mid
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8 no conditioned change of posttoni
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10 contrasting example to prove tha
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12 Appendix: Evidence for Three Set
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14 References Bader, Françoise. 19
Page 27 and 28: 16 Starke, Frank. 1990. Untersuchun
Page 29 and 30: 2 (1) HKM 18:18-20 (MH/MS) nu=mu k
Page 31 and 32: 4 For (“CAPERE”)u-pa- as ‘bri
Page 33 and 34: 6 Appendix 1 Provisional Analysis o
Page 35 and 36: 8 3. /o:/ < *uh 2 wa-šu-u-(ḫa)
Page 37 and 38: 10 Hackstein, Olav. 2007. Ablative
Page 39 and 40: 2 B. Evidence for basic types 1. Op
Page 41 and 42: 4 presents with 3Sg -atär/-etär o
Page 43 and 44: 6 2. Effects of change of state oft
Page 45 and 46: H. Craig Melchert Università di Ro
Page 47 and 48: 3 As to Grk. γέγωνε ‘shout
Page 49 and 50: Hittite ḫi-Verbs of the Type -āC
Page 51 and 52: 3 would like to attribute the alter
Page 53 and 54: 5 wappu- ‘river-bank’ reflects
Page 55 and 56: 7 totally exclude laḫḫiya- < l
Page 57 and 58: 9 *n e h 2 - > naḫḫ-. However,
Page 59 and 60: 11 attempts Tischler (1983: 8-9). P
Page 61 and 62: 13 We may thus assume that the preh
Page 63 and 64: 15 Kimball, Sara. 1988. Analogy, Se
Page 65 and 66: H. Craig Melchert University of Sie
Page 67 and 68: 3 E. Ergo not coincidental that onl
Page 69 and 70: On Wh-(Non)-Movement and Internal S
Page 71 and 72: On the Hittite Preposed Relative Cl
Page 73 and 74: 2.1. Movement driven by features On
Page 77: On the Hittite Preposed Relative Cl
Page 91 and 92: Focus structure and Q-word question
Page 93 and 94: Hittite Q-word questions 947 di¤er
Page 95 and 96: Hittite Q-word questions 949 This q
Page 97 and 98: Hittite Q-word questions 951 Figure
Page 99 and 100: 4.2. Identifying focus and Q-word q
Page 101 and 102: Hittite Q-word questions 955 (T I )
Page 103 and 104: Hittite Q-word questions 957 with i
Page 105 and 106: quires a lexically expressed subjec
Page 107 and 108: Hittite Q-word questions 961 In (3)
Page 109 and 110: Hittite Q-word questions 963 revers
Page 111 and 112: Hittite Q-word questions 965 uris
Page 113 and 114: Hittite Q-word questions 967 27. In
Page 115: Hittite Q-word questions 969 É. Ki
Page 127 and 128: kaiå eœlonto iërÈa SimÌan Kond
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H. Craig Melchert 57th R.A.I. Unive
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3 (7) TÜNP 1 (text after Hawkins 2
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5 MU.ḪI.A-uš ušneškemi kāša
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H. Craig Melchert Naming in Anatoli
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3 (a) /pi:hamma/i-/ ‘resplendent;
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5 4. Ethnica (in contrast with Hitt
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7 5.2. Adverb+Noun (with deity or t
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9 (36) */Tarhu(nta)-tsalma-/, i.e.
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11 8.3 m Tarḫu(n)miya- (Maşat, H
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13 ——. 1994. Über die chronolo
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Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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