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Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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7<br />

totally exclude laḫḫiya- < lāḫḫa-. An alternative account is that lāḫḫa- was only formed after the<br />

rule lenit<strong>in</strong>g *h 2 after *ó ceased to operate. We know that the formation of deverbative<br />

action/result nouns rema<strong>in</strong>ed very productive <strong>in</strong> Hittite, s<strong>in</strong>ce some do not show the <strong>in</strong>herited o-<br />

grade of the τόμος-type: e.g., gul(a)šša- ‘fate’ < gulš- ‘to draw, sketch, plan’ or kuera- ‘field’<br />

(section of land) < kuer- ‘to cut’. It is thus likely that some examples like ḫāšša- ‘offspr<strong>in</strong>g’ that<br />

could show old o-vocalism are likewise recent creations based directly on the synchronic verb<br />

(ḫāšš- ‘to give birth’). We are permitted to suppose a similar orig<strong>in</strong> for lāḫḫa- , even if the base<br />

verb is miss<strong>in</strong>g, replaced by laḫḫiya-.<br />

As to the phonetic motivation for “lenition” of *h 2 after *ó, we must first review the status<br />

of the better-known “lenition” process of <strong>Anatolian</strong>. Accord<strong>in</strong>g to the orig<strong>in</strong>al conception, Proto-<br />

<strong>Anatolian</strong> had two separate “lenition” (or voic<strong>in</strong>g) rules, affect<strong>in</strong>g stops and *h 2 : one occurred<br />

after a preced<strong>in</strong>g accented long vowel (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g long vowels result<strong>in</strong>g from loss of tautosyllabic<br />

laryngeals) and the other between unaccented vowels (Eichner 1973: 79ff. and 100 86 ; Morpurgo<br />

Davies 1982/1983). However, as shown by Adiego (2001), Proto-<strong>Anatolian</strong> “lenition” (or<br />

voic<strong>in</strong>g) was actually a s<strong>in</strong>gle rule which affected voiceless stops and *h 2 between unaccented<br />

morae, *V . Thus Lyc. tadi ‘puts’ < entirely parallel to<br />

Lyc. esbedi ‘with horse’ < *ékwodi < *ékwoti. Adiego also adduces cross-l<strong>in</strong>guistic evidence for<br />

the effect be<strong>in</strong>g due to the low pitch of the surround<strong>in</strong>g unaccented vowels.<br />

S<strong>in</strong>ce obstruents after an accented short *ó are not between unaccented morae, any lenition<br />

or voic<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> this environment must be attributed to an entirely different factor, which need not<br />

served as the basis for the derived verb. As always, we need not and should not assume such a<br />

l<strong>in</strong>k <strong>in</strong> every case. The pattern of form<strong>in</strong>g a verb <strong>in</strong> -iya- from a-stem nouns may have become<br />

moderately productive.

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