Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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7 5. From “spontaneous” actions and processes spread already in PIE to other 1-participant event types (those underlined in diagram above): at least to grooming, translational and nontranslational movement, body posture, and emotion verbs. Probably also to reciprocals and passives (NB general absence of agent in latter). Significance of absence in Anatolian of mediopassives of perception and cognition unclear. No positive evidence for existence in PIE of indirect middles (i.e. self-benefactives). Almost certainly post-Anatolian innovation (shared common in “Core IE” or independent in individual languages). References DiGiovine, Paolo. 2012. The Function of *o-Ablaut in the PIE Verbal System. In H. Craig Melchert (ed.), The Indo-European Verb. Proceedings of the Conference of the Society for Indo-European Studies, Los Angeles, 13-15 September 2010, 43-50. Wiesbaden: Reichert. Jasanoff, Jay. 2002-03[2004]. ‘Stative’ *-ē- revisited. Die Sprache 43.127-70. ——. 2003. Hittite and the Indo-European Verb. Oxford/New York: OUP. ——. 2012. *u̯ eid- ‘notice’ and the PIE thematic aorist. Paper presented at the 14th Fachtagung of the Indogermanische Gesellschaft, Copenhagen, September 22, 2012. Kemmer, Suzanne. 1993. The Middle Voice. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Klaiman, Miriam H. 1992. Middle Verbs, Reflexive Middle Constructions, and Middle Voice. Studies in Language 16.35-61. Kloekhorst, Alwin. 2006. Čop’s Law in Luwian Revisited. Die Sprache 46.2.131-6. ——. 2008. Etymological Dictionary of the Hittite Inherited Lexicon. Leiden/Boston: Brill. Luraghi, Silvia. 2012. Basic valency orientation and the middle voice in Hittite. Studies in Language 36/1.1-32. Lyons, John. 1969. Introduction to theoretical linguistics. Cambridge: CUP. Meier-Brügger, Michael. Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft.7., völlig neubearbeitete Auflage unter Mitarbeit von Matthias Fritz und Manfred Mayrhofer. Berlin/New York: de Gruyter. Neu, Erich. 1968a. Interpretation der hethitischen mediopassiven Verbalformen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. ——. 1968b. Das hethitische Mediopassiv und seine indogermanischen Grundlagen. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Oettinger, Norbert. 1976. Der indogermanische Stativ. MSS 34.109-49. ——. 1979. Die Stammbildung des hethitischen Verbums. Nürnberg: Carl. ——. 1993. Zur Funktion des indogermanischen Stativs. In Gerhart Meiser (ed.), Indogermanica et Italica. Festschrift für Helmut Rix, 347-61. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität Innsbruck. Rix, Helmut. 1988. The Proto-Indo-European Middle. MSS 49.101-19. Tichy, Eva. 2000. Indogermanisches Grundwissen. Bremen: Hempen. Watkins, Calvert. 1969. Geschichte der Indogermanischen Verbalflexion [= J. Kuryłowicz, Indogermanische Grammatik. Band III: Formenlehre]. Heidelberg: Winter. ——. 1971[1973]. Hittite and Indo-European Studies: the denominative statives in -ē-. TPS 1971.51-93. Weiss, Michael. 2009. Outline of the Historical and Comparative Grammar of Latin. Ann Arbor/New York: Beech Stave.
H. Craig Melchert Università di Roma “La Sapienza” October 15, 2012 melchert@humnet.ucla.edu I. Standard View The Function of the PIE Perfect A. The PIE perfect expressed an “attained state” (sometimes styled “naktostatisch”): see among many Delbrück (1897: 177ff., with refs. to Buttmann and Kohlmann), Renou (1925: 7), Chantraine (1926: 4), Hoffmann (1970: 39-41), Di Giovine (1996: 261&273), Kümmel (2000: 66), Meier-Brügger (2000: 155), Tichy (2000: 88), Weiss (2009: 379&409), Fortson (2010: 104-5). B. Major debate has concerned definition as “aspect” or “Aktionsart”: for the first see Meier- Brügger (2000: 155), Weiss (2009: 379); for the latter Di Giovine (1996: 273ff.), Kümmel (2000: 66), Tichy (2000: 89). C. Value of “attained state” is recessive already in Vedic Sanskrit and Homeric Greek and appears elsewhere only in lexicalized relics (e.g. Latin meminī ‘I remember’). By what may be termed a “metonymic” shift in focus, the perfect comes to indicate a past action whose effects carry into the present (‘has arrived’) and by further developments into a narrative past tense (see e.g. Kümmel 2000: 71-82 and Chantraine, passim). 1. Vedic examples for inherited sense “attained state” (translations Geldner): RV 1,164,10ab: tisró māts trīn pitn bíbhrad éka ūdhvás tasthāu ‘Drei Mütter, drei Väter trägt der Eine und steht doch aufrecht da.’ RV 6,10,3ab: pīpāya sá śrávasā mártyeṣu yó agnáye dadāśa vípra uktháiḥ ‘Der Redekundige schwillt an Ruhm unter den Sterblichen an, der gegen Agni mit Lobliedern freigebig war.’ 2. Homeric examples for inherited sense “attained state” (translations Murray): Il. 1.37-38: Il. 11.470: II. Dissent κλῦθί μευ, ἀργυρότοξ’, ὃς Χρυσήν ἀμφιβέβηκας Κίλλαν τε ζαθέην ‘Hear me, thou of the silver bow, who dost stand over Chryse and holy Cilla…’ δείδω μή τι πάθῃσιν ἐνὶ Τρώεσσι μονωθείς ‘I fear lest some evil befall him, alone mid the Trojans.’ A. Also a long history of interpreting the perfect as having an “intensive” value (wholly or in part): 1. Bréal (1899-1900: 277) defines perfect as a “présent intensif”, citing Grk. ὄπωπα ‘je vois’, ἀκήκοα ‘j’entends’ etc., allegedly expressing an “affirmation plus énergique”. 2. Hirt (1928: 279-80, citing Curtius and Bopp) rejects “attained state” analysis and insists on “intensive Bedeutung”: τέθνηκα in the Iliad means ‘ist tot und ist tot’. 3. Meid (1983: 330-31) also stresses the intensive character of Skt. jujoṣa ‘ich genieße intensiv’ and Homeric δέδορκε used of a snake with a horrifying glare that ‘starrt und starrt und starrt’.
Page 1 and 2: Universität zu Köln Institut für
Page 3 and 4: 2 4. Accented *-u: no certain examp
Page 5 and 6: 4 Melchert 1994: 186-7). NB makes v
Page 7 and 8: 6 ēšta ‘was’ < *h 1 és-t. Ge
Page 9 and 10: 8 References Agbayani, Brian, and C
Page 11 and 12: 10 ——. 2008. The Origin of the
Page 13 and 14: 2 No explanation is offered by Sihl
Page 15 and 16: 4 zarwaniya- ‘of horn’ (C) < *k
Page 17 and 18: 6 requires a preform with fixed mid
Page 19 and 20: 8 no conditioned change of posttoni
Page 21 and 22: 10 contrasting example to prove tha
Page 23 and 24: 12 Appendix: Evidence for Three Set
Page 25 and 26: 14 References Bader, Françoise. 19
Page 27 and 28: 16 Starke, Frank. 1990. Untersuchun
Page 29 and 30: 2 (1) HKM 18:18-20 (MH/MS) nu=mu k
Page 31 and 32: 4 For (“CAPERE”)u-pa- as ‘bri
Page 33 and 34: 6 Appendix 1 Provisional Analysis o
Page 35 and 36: 8 3. /o:/ < *uh 2 wa-šu-u-(ḫa)
Page 37 and 38: 10 Hackstein, Olav. 2007. Ablative
Page 39 and 40: 2 B. Evidence for basic types 1. Op
Page 41 and 42: 4 presents with 3Sg -atär/-etär o
Page 43: 6 2. Effects of change of state oft
Page 47 and 48: 3 As to Grk. γέγωνε ‘shout
Page 49 and 50: Hittite ḫi-Verbs of the Type -āC
Page 51 and 52: 3 would like to attribute the alter
Page 53 and 54: 5 wappu- ‘river-bank’ reflects
Page 55 and 56: 7 totally exclude laḫḫiya- < l
Page 57 and 58: 9 *n e h 2 - > naḫḫ-. However,
Page 59 and 60: 11 attempts Tischler (1983: 8-9). P
Page 61 and 62: 13 We may thus assume that the preh
Page 63 and 64: 15 Kimball, Sara. 1988. Analogy, Se
Page 65 and 66: H. Craig Melchert University of Sie
Page 67 and 68: 3 E. Ergo not coincidental that onl
Page 69 and 70: On Wh-(Non)-Movement and Internal S
Page 71 and 72: On the Hittite Preposed Relative Cl
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Hittite Q-word questions 949 This q
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Hittite Q-word questions 951 Figure
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4.2. Identifying focus and Q-word q
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Hittite Q-word questions 955 (T I )
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Hittite Q-word questions 957 with i
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quires a lexically expressed subjec
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Hittite Q-word questions 961 In (3)
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Hittite Q-word questions 963 revers
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Hittite Q-word questions 965 uris
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Hittite Q-word questions 967 27. In
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Hittite Q-word questions 969 É. Ki
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kaiå eœlonto iërÈa SimÌan Kond
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H. Craig Melchert 57th R.A.I. Unive
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3 (7) TÜNP 1 (text after Hawkins 2
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5 MU.ḪI.A-uš ušneškemi kāša
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H. Craig Melchert Naming in Anatoli
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3 (a) /pi:hamma/i-/ ‘resplendent;
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5 4. Ethnica (in contrast with Hitt
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7 5.2. Adverb+Noun (with deity or t
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9 (36) */Tarhu(nta)-tsalma-/, i.e.
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11 8.3 m Tarḫu(n)miya- (Maşat, H
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13 ——. 1994. Über die chronolo
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