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Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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958 P. Goedegebuure<br />

topic of an INTER one can apply the ‘‘about’’-test. If the question, ‘‘Ask<br />

(someth<strong>in</strong>g) about X’’, can be properly answered by the question, X is the<br />

topic of the INTER. 24 As <strong>in</strong> DECLs, at least one other subact is assigned<br />

focus function. The di¤erence with identify<strong>in</strong>g focus questions is basically<br />

one of focal scope. Whereas an identify<strong>in</strong>g focus question has only one of<br />

its referential subacts (R) <strong>in</strong> focus, the comment<strong>in</strong>g Q-word question at<br />

least holds the ascriptive subact (T) <strong>in</strong> focus.<br />

The word order <strong>in</strong> Hittite DECL Comment focus clauses is (S)(O)V.<br />

Aga<strong>in</strong>, this also applies to Q-word clauses with comment focus. There<br />

are two Q-word questions <strong>in</strong> the corpus with contrastive subject-topics <strong>in</strong><br />

comment focus clauses (a 47 below, and 50b ¼ (2)):<br />

(24) As for my sons: if a man has been killed, can they restore him to<br />

life? And if a cow (or) a sheep has been killed, can they restore it<br />

to life?<br />

[tue]ll¼a DUMU.MEŠ¼KA kui-n<br />

you:sg.gen¼and son.pl¼your what-acc.sg<br />

sagai-n iya-nzi<br />

miracle-acc.sg make-3pl.npst<br />

‘And what k<strong>in</strong>d of miracle can your sons perform?’<br />

(OH/NS myth, a 47)<br />

(24) is an <strong>in</strong>stance of comment <strong>in</strong>formation focus, not of identify<strong>in</strong>g<br />

replac<strong>in</strong>g/select<strong>in</strong>g focus on the object-ku word, as one might conclude<br />

from the preverbal position of the ku-word phrase. Had the latter been<br />

the case, the common background would have been: ‘‘Your (i.e., addressee’s)<br />

sons are perform<strong>in</strong>g some miracle, aga<strong>in</strong>st expectations’’. Instead, it<br />

is the actions of the sons of the speaker himself that are the topic of the<br />

previous discussion, so speaker and addressee do not yet share <strong>in</strong>formation<br />

concern<strong>in</strong>g addressee’s sons. In (24) the addressee’s sons are the new<br />

sentence topic, <strong>in</strong> contrast with the preced<strong>in</strong>g sentence topic, the speaker’s<br />

sons. The rest of the clause, ‘perform<strong>in</strong>g some k<strong>in</strong>d of miracle’ presents<br />

the salient <strong>in</strong>formation. The <strong>in</strong>terpersonal level representation of (24) is:<br />

(25) (A I :[(F I : INTER (F I )) (P I ) S (P J ) A (C I :[{(Bid Cs<br />

R I )(T I )} InfFoc (R J ) ContrTop ](C I ))](A I ))<br />

In four of the comment-focus clauses <strong>in</strong> my corpus (a52, 63, 64, 120) the<br />

referent of the subject, which is usually 25 only marked on the verb, is<br />

what the INTER is about. This referent is therefore the topic of the<br />

clause. To show that these clauses are <strong>in</strong>deed comment focus clauses, we<br />

may approach the analysis from a di¤erent angle with the help of<br />

(4 ¼ a52, a¼ma¼kan kuit datti ‘‘But what will you take away (from<br />

it)?’’). Report<strong>in</strong>g<br />

arh˘<br />

focus <strong>in</strong> (4) is excluded because that type of focus re-

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