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Topics in Anatolian Historical Grammar Prof. Dr. H. Craig Melchert

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946 P. Goedegebuure<br />

<strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sically focused. Because Q-words generally pattern with identificational<br />

(or contrastive) focus elements, it is often claimed that they occur<br />

<strong>in</strong> preverbal position <strong>in</strong> SOV languages (Givón 2001: 306; Kim 1988;<br />

Kiss 1998a: 772, 1998b). On the other hand, Dik (1997b: 285) f<strong>in</strong>ds that<br />

Q-words <strong>in</strong> SOV languages prefer pattern position or <strong>in</strong>itial position. If<br />

these observations are to be reconciled, we must <strong>in</strong>itially dissolve the ties<br />

between the placement of Q-words and special focus positions and ref<strong>in</strong>e<br />

our typology of focus with respect to <strong>in</strong>terrogatives.<br />

An important step towards the explanation of these contradict<strong>in</strong>g typological<br />

observations is the recognition that Q-word questions have<br />

fully articulated focus structures (cf. <strong>Dr</strong>ubig 2003: 7 on declaratives and<br />

Erteschik-Shir 1986: 126–129, 1997: 134; Hajičová 1983; Jacobs 1991:<br />

201–202; Lambrecht 1994: 55, 239; and Rosengren 1991 on other illocution<br />

types), <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g di¤erent types of focus that prefer di¤erent positions<br />

<strong>in</strong> the clause. The implication is that Q-words are not always <strong>in</strong> contrastive<br />

focus, and there may be other constituents <strong>in</strong> focus besides the<br />

Q-word.<br />

Hittite, an SOV language, has multiple Q-word and focus positions,<br />

mak<strong>in</strong>g it an ideal candidate to <strong>in</strong>vestigate the nature of the relationship<br />

between focus and Q-words <strong>in</strong> SOV languages. At present, Hittite Q-<br />

words are believed to occur <strong>in</strong> ‘‘a special position’’ (Ho¤ner 1995; Hackste<strong>in</strong><br />

2004: 351 n. 7). Ho¤ner, for <strong>in</strong>stance, notes that<br />

the <strong>in</strong>terrogative word sometimes precedes the f<strong>in</strong>ite verb as closely as possible.<br />

And s<strong>in</strong>ce the f<strong>in</strong>ite verb is usually clause f<strong>in</strong>al, the <strong>in</strong>terrogative word gravitates<br />

to the end of the clause. In very short clauses, it is usually <strong>in</strong>itial. (1995: 101)<br />

In this article I show that these observations need to be modified: Hittite<br />

Q-words, like focus constituents <strong>in</strong> DECLs, occur <strong>in</strong> pattern position, <strong>in</strong>itial<br />

position or preverbal position. I will suggest a framework to account<br />

for the relationship between focus and Q-words at the <strong>in</strong>terpersonal level<br />

of FDG (Sections 3 and 4), after provid<strong>in</strong>g a description of Hittite Q-<br />

word questions (Section 2).<br />

2. Hittite Q-word questions<br />

Hittite has virtually no means to dist<strong>in</strong>guish a yes-no or Q-word question<br />

from a DECL. There are no question particles, there is no word order <strong>in</strong>version,<br />

and although questions are expected to receive special phonological<br />

treatment, this is only rarely <strong>in</strong>dicated <strong>in</strong> the script. 2 Only <strong>in</strong> Old Hittite,<br />

could a yes-no question be marked by means of an otherwise highly<br />

unusual plene writ<strong>in</strong>g 3 of the f<strong>in</strong>al syllable of the f<strong>in</strong>al word (1). This is

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