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Democratic critics for its two controversial prewar intelligence units, the Office ofSpecial Plans
and the Policy Counter Terrorism Evaluation Group. It was those units that had helped convince
the Bush White House ofan operational connection between Saddam Hussein and al-Qaeda -- a
claim since disproved by the independent September 1'1 commission, among others. Those
secretive intelligence units had also been among the administration's strongest champions of
Cbalabi, who allegedly told Iranian intelligence agents that the United States had penetrated
Iranian communications channels.
An FBI counterintelligence investigation ofwho had leaked this information to Chalabi was
reportedly under way by spring 2004, and many ofChalabi's neocon allies were incredibly
anxious: Misjudgment about Chalabi's virtues or postwar Iraq planning was one thing; passing
secrets to another nation would be an accusation ofan altogether graver magnitude.
All ofthese investigations put Franklin and other neoconservatives associated with Feith at the
white-hot center ofa raging controversy: What would any second-term Bushforeign policy look
like? Would controversial neocon figures like Feith remain in power? Or would it mark the rise of
pragmatists and realists? For the neoconservatives, the fight to clear-Franklin and themselves has
become a fight against their internal administration rivals. And they're fighting it in classic
neocon fashion: dirty and disingenuously.
Among intelligence professionals, it's hardly a state secret that even nations whose relationships
go beyond mere alliance and constitute friendship spy on one another. That's one reason nations
have counterintelligence capabilities as well. As such, investigations ofespionage and
mishandling ofclassified documents are not uncommon in Washington; the Bush administration',s
Justice Department, for example, has opened investigations to probe allegations ofChinese,
Taiwanese, and Saudi espionage, including ones that involve ranking officials at the FBI and State
Department. With the investigations into AIPAC and Franklin, the Justice Department has
renewed its interest in snooping by our ally, Israel.
Since the Pollard case, U.S. intelligence and law-enforcement sources have revealed to the
Prospect that at least six sealed indictments have been issued against individuals for espionage on
Israel's behalf. It's a testament to the unique relationship between the United States and Israel that
those cases were never prosecuted; according to the same sources, both governments ultimately
addressed them through diplomatic and intelligence channels rather than air the dirty laundry. A
number ofcareer Justice Department and intelligence officials who have worked on Israeli
counterespionage told the Prospect oflong-standing frustration among investigators and
prosecutors who feel that cases that could have been made successfully against"Israeli spies were
never brought to trial, or that the investigations were shut down prematurely. This history had led
to informed speculation that the FBI -- fearing the Franklin probe was heading toward the same
silent end -- leaked the story to CBS to keep it in the public eye and give it a fighting chance.
But the pro..lsraellobby and some neoconservatives, fighting for their poiiticallives, have turned
the leak on its head. They claim that the AlPAC and Franklin investigations have nothing to do
with the substance ofthe Iran-related leaks. Rather, they say, investigators are going after Jews. In
the current probes ofFranklin and AlPAC, Michael Rubin has led the strident charge. On
September 4, during the media flap over the investigations, Rubin sent an e-mail memo -­
obtained by the Prospect -.. to a list offriendly parties targeting two ofWashington's more
respected mainstre~m journalists, calling them key players in an "increasing anti-Semitic witch
hunt." The memo fingered Deputy Secretary ofState Richard Armitage as one likely source ofthe
leaks about the investigation, and also urged that, ifthe accusations had any merit, the White
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