Namibia country report

In 1984 the SWA Agricultural Union conducted its own investigation into the financialposition of farmers (SWALU 1985). Detailed microeconomic analyses of the assets anddebts of commercial farmers were carried out, and these showed that although the debtratio (skuldlas) of 49% of farmers was healthy, the financial situation of 23% of farmers wascritical in 1983. Particularly critical was the position of young farmers in the age group 26to 35 years (ibid.: 46-47).Independent Namibia thus inherited a commercial farming sector that was financiallybruised. The adverse economic and climatic factors before Independence and the uncertaintyabout the future under a SWAPO government combined to “force a ‘shake-out’ in thecattle and sheep industries”, leading to a decrease in the number of white commercialfarmers on the land, even though government support was still in place (Moll 1994: 8). Thissituation was compounded after Independence because most direct and indirect subsidiesdisappeared. The effect of this was that although consecutive droughts did not bring abouta significant consolidation of farms, the number of farmers who relied on off-farm incomeincreased (Lange et al. 1997: 15). Forty per cent of commercial farms were found not to beeconomically viable based on size and carrying capacity (Rawlinson 1994, quoted in ibid.:105).Declining per hectare returns for commercial livestock farming since the 1970s resulted indebt levels of the sector increasing steadily, passing the N$1 billion mark in 1999 (Werner2000: 33). Commercial farmers increasingly shifted resources to non-traditional farmingactivities such as game farming, hunting and tourism regardless of whether they werefarming with cattle or small stock (Kruger and Werner 2005: 10). The extent to which thishas happened cannot be quantified as hardly any data has been published on the issue.Many farmers who used to farm with karakul responded to the collapse of the internationalkarakul market by switching to mutton production. They started to farm with dorper sheepand goats. This, however, generated its own set of problems as meat-producing small stockrequired a greater intake of pasturage (Bravenboer 2007: 260). Overstocking became frequentas farmers sought to generate similar revenues from mutton production as they were ableto generate with karakul pelt production.In addition, the early 1990s witnessed the introduction of ostrich farming under intensiveconditions in the southern regions (Erb 2004: 5). The fortunes of ostrich farming wereshort-lived, however, and in recent years dedicated ostrich abattoirs have been convertedto allow for slaughtering small stock.Post-Independence policy changes provided opportunities for farmers – commercial andotherwise – to engage in horticultural production in areas with sufficient water. While maizeand wheat was produced under irrigation as well as rainfed conditions in small locations – theOtavi highlands and the Hardap irrigation scheme for example – Namibia remained largelydependent on imported fruits and vegetables. In 2004 the Agronomic Board of Namibiaintroduced the National Horticulture Development Strategy which was designed to stimulatethe development of a sustainable horticulture sector. This strategy was complimented inSection Livelihoods A ● 2. Land after Reform Land and Reform: Poverty: Namibia National country Policy report Context (2010) ● 21