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Darfur: Blueprint for Genocide - Archipielago Libertad

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Humanitarian aid was denied. Government reactions to<br />

outbreaks of disease were to herd the displaced Dinka<br />

closer together, and medical attention was denied.<br />

Children were kidnapped and herded into camps where<br />

they were <strong>for</strong>cibly Islamized. This a clear example of the<br />

<strong>for</strong>cible transfer of children from one group to another – an<br />

action prohibited in Article 2e of the <strong>Genocide</strong><br />

Convention. 11<br />

Jihad was also declared specifically against the Nuba in<br />

Kordofan in 1992, three months after the jihad on the<br />

South. Approx imately 50% of Nuba w ere Muslim, a large<br />

proportion of the population relative to other populations in<br />

the South. The jihad was aimed as much against the<br />

Muslim population as it w as against the Christian and<br />

animist Nuba. It is evident that racism motivates these<br />

atrocities as much, if not more, than religion even though<br />

religious language was used to ‘justify ’ these atrocities.<br />

Nuba villages were terrorised and destroyed by the PDF<br />

and Arab militias leading to resettlement of 170,000 and<br />

the deaths of an estimated 100,000. 12 Like the Dinka, the<br />

Nuba were rounded up into ‘Peace Camps’ where they<br />

were confined <strong>for</strong> Islamization. The ‘Peace Camps’ were<br />

set up in hostile environments where the means <strong>for</strong><br />

survival were minimal. The land from which the Nuba were<br />

removed was sold to supporters of the regime. 13<br />

There are many similarities between the methods used<br />

against the Nuba in 1992 and the methods being used in<br />

<strong>Darfur</strong> now. The specific targeting of the male population,<br />

the raping of women and the stated intention of the<br />

Sudanese Government to create safe areas into w hich to<br />

put the internally displaced are all taking place in <strong>Darfur</strong><br />

and reflect thecrimes towhich theNubaweresubjected.<br />

2.3 A comment on ethnicity: Arabs<br />

and Africans?<br />

Some scholars understandably object to simple<br />

descriptions of ethnic relationships in Western Sudan<br />

being portray ed as Arabs against African Sudanese or<br />

non-Arabs. The authors are aware that ethnic history and<br />

relationships are often more complex. In times of peace,<br />

in particular, there is fluidity of ethnic identity including<br />

intermarriage between groups and tribes.<br />

11 Fein, H (2002). <strong>Genocide</strong> by Attrition in Sudan, Crimes of War<br />

Project, http://www.crimesofwar.org/sudan-mag/sudan-fein.html,<br />

[Accessed 12 November 2004].<br />

12 Collins, R.(2004) The Sudan<br />

http://www.gale.com/enewsletters/history/2004_08/sudan.htm<br />

[Accessed 12 November 2004].<br />

13 Johnson, D. (2003). The Root Causes of Sudan’s Civil Wars,<br />

International African Institute, London, p. 133.<br />

Section 2: <strong>Darfur</strong> and the Ideology of Sudan<br />

Many Sudanese argue that most ‘Arab’ Sudanese are<br />

black and African in origin anyway. Over the centuries<br />

tribes assumed an Arab identity – the w hole family<br />

speaking Arabic as a first language, not just the educated<br />

men. Being ‘Arab’ differentiated them from people<br />

regarded as slaves. While it may not always have been<br />

the prime reason <strong>for</strong> assuming an Arab identity, it would<br />

hav e af<strong>for</strong>ded protection from being taken into slavery<br />

themselves or from being massacred. Today hav ing an<br />

Arab identity disassociates a family from the stigma of<br />

being descended from slaves. This is ex emplified in parts<br />

of Old Khartoum where it is currently unacceptable <strong>for</strong><br />

intermarriage betw een so-called Arabs and so-called<br />

Africans. This is much more to do w ith culture and<br />

language thanskin colour.<br />

When a group is threatened, how they perceive their<br />

identity , or indeed how sociologists or anthropologists view<br />

it, becomes immaterial. What matters is how a dominant<br />

or threatening group perceives them.<br />

‘Arab’ or ‘Black African’? As a new arrival at Breidjing<br />

refugee camp, eastern Chad, this man’s identity has already<br />

been determined <strong>for</strong> him by the Janjaweed and Sudanese<br />

security <strong>for</strong>ces.<br />

An ex ample from the past: German Jews had assimilated<br />

and intermarried <strong>for</strong> several generations by the 1930s.<br />

Many perceived themselves as ‘more German than the<br />

Germans’. The Nazis did not describe them that way. It<br />

was the perpetrators’ definition that became significant.<br />

So it was <strong>for</strong> millions of others in Europe. They defined<br />

themselves in one way, possibly in a complex way, or in<br />

no w ay at all because it just w as not v ery important to<br />

them. But w hen the chips w ere down, it w as the<br />

perpetrators’ perspective that counted. Even Catholic<br />

nuns were deported to Auschw itz and gassed when they<br />

were found to have a Jewish parent or grandparent.<br />

To the perpetrators of genocide, identity is very important.<br />

They simplify it, augment it and create an ‘enemy ’. The<br />

8

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