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A decade later - Fundação Luso-Americana

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[TMS] As a player, Portugal was relevant.<br />

The notion that Portugal had no relevance<br />

as a player is fallacious. Once the<br />

superpowers came onto the stage, all the<br />

other actors were left very little room<br />

to maneuver, which does not necessarily<br />

mean that they had no relevance as<br />

actors. As far as Portugal is concerned,<br />

there were three or four issues involving<br />

Angola that were very important. First,<br />

according to American information<br />

we have, the lions’<br />

share of the weapons belonging<br />

to the Portuguese armed<br />

forces was left to the MPLA.<br />

Kissinger even tried to blackmail<br />

the Portuguese government<br />

– and “blackmail” was<br />

his term, not mine – saying<br />

that the Portuguese government<br />

should either guarantee<br />

that no weapons are left<br />

to the MPLA or the US would<br />

cease all the aid it was lending<br />

to airlift Portuguese<br />

colonists in Angola to<br />

Portugal. We also have to<br />

realize that Portugal was<br />

deeply divided. There were<br />

a number of policies and a<br />

number of centers of power.<br />

The second issue, which is<br />

also really important but<br />

hard to corroborate because<br />

of the lack of reliable primary<br />

sources, is the issue of<br />

the famous Battle of Luanda<br />

in July of ’75, when the FNLA tried to<br />

reenter Luanda after it had been expelled<br />

by the MPLA. According to information<br />

particularly from the American Secret<br />

Service – information denied by the<br />

Portuguese officers I spoke to – there<br />

were Portuguese troops fighting beside<br />

the MPLA to keep the FNLA out of<br />

Luanda. The third issue has to do with<br />

poLicy<br />

Portugal’s negotiating efforts at two particular<br />

points in time: during the Alvor<br />

Agreement in January, 1975 and when<br />

the MPLA and UNITA were attempting to<br />

forge an alliance against the FNLA in<br />

August of ’75. In both cases, the superpowers,<br />

particularly the superpower I<br />

deal with in my book – the United States<br />

– would try its best to destroy these<br />

diplomatic efforts – and succeed.<br />

‘ As a player, portugal was relevant.<br />

The notion that portugal had no<br />

relevance as a player is fallacious.<br />

once the superpowers came onto the<br />

stage, all the other actors were left<br />

very little room to maneuver, which<br />

does not necessarily mean that they<br />

had no relevance as actors.<br />

’<br />

[MR] Even the US considered the MPLA the<br />

only representative movement in Angola, the<br />

only one that truly represented the Angolan<br />

people.<br />

[TMS] North American operatives in<br />

Angola who understood the reality of<br />

Angola did. The ones who weren’t in<br />

Angola – like Kissinger – did not exactly<br />

share that view. They knew very little,<br />

but the ones who were there, the operatives<br />

on the ground, believed exactly<br />

that. The FNLA was – to use their expression<br />

– a “puppet of Mobutu’s.” So the<br />

MPLA was the movement in the best<br />

position to guarantee the viability of an<br />

Angolan state after independence. It was<br />

also the one most in line with Portuguese<br />

interests. Then there were other issues.<br />

There was the group in Angola represented<br />

by Admiral Rosa Coutinho.<br />

In my opinion, there were other<br />

motives – even ideological and<br />

geopolitical ones – but even so,<br />

he always favored the Soviet<br />

Union. In my book I reveal – I<br />

think for the first time – that at<br />

one point, Melo Antunes began to<br />

support Jonas Savimbi and UNITA,<br />

though in the context of a project<br />

to forge an alliance between the<br />

MPLA and UNITA. The idea was to<br />

achieve an independent Angola<br />

governed by an MPLA/UNITA alliance,<br />

in which the MPLA predominated,<br />

since it was by far the<br />

strongest movement, but offsetting<br />

the MPLA and Agostinho<br />

Neto’s power with UNITA and<br />

Jonas Savimbi. On the other hand,<br />

the idea was to lessen the MPLA’s<br />

dependence – or what was construed<br />

to be its dependence – on<br />

the USSR, by helping it to establish<br />

other diplomatic channels with,<br />

for example, Algeria and Yugoslavia.<br />

Melo Antunes tried to convince<br />

the Americans to maintain at least a<br />

threshold of good relations with the<br />

MPLA, or even support the MPLA, to<br />

reduce its dependence on Moscow. In<br />

the book I also reveal, for the first time,<br />

that Agostinho Neto “did not close the<br />

door” on good relations with the United<br />

States; actually, his stance was quite the<br />

opposite.<br />

Parallel no. 6 | FALL | WINTER 2011 43

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