“Barbadians.” Likewise, people <strong>of</strong> Arabic or African orig<strong>in</strong> who immigrated from Brita<strong>in</strong> and call<strong>the</strong>mselves “British” are not dist<strong>in</strong>guished from <strong>the</strong> predom<strong>in</strong>antly white members <strong>of</strong> that category, evenif <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g question <strong>the</strong>y check <strong>the</strong> responses for Arabic or Black. Ignor<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> <strong>in</strong>formation aboutracial identification could result <strong>in</strong> mislead<strong>in</strong>gly low or high estimates <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> socio-economic situation <strong>of</strong>a group, but analysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> data showed that <strong>the</strong>se comb<strong>in</strong>ations <strong>of</strong> nationality and race were quiteunusual – typically much less than 10 percent <strong>of</strong> a group – and do not significantly alter f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong>ethno-racial differences.While <strong>the</strong> classification is designed to deal with very complex comb<strong>in</strong>ation <strong>of</strong> answers, most <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ethno-racial groups exam<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> analysis are s<strong>in</strong>gle, clearly identified groups. For groups too smallfor <strong>in</strong>dividual analysis and for <strong>the</strong> many people who gave more than one answer to <strong>the</strong> question about<strong>the</strong>ir ancestry, a series <strong>of</strong> conventions was adopted. The term “o<strong>the</strong>r”, as <strong>in</strong> “o<strong>the</strong>r African nations,” or“o<strong>the</strong>r Scand<strong>in</strong>avian,” refers to a composite category that <strong>in</strong>cludes two or more <strong>in</strong>dividual ethno-racialgroups. Nigerians and Norwegians, respectively, for example, would be <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> two categories. The term“multiple” refers to a category for people who have ancestry <strong>in</strong> two or more groups <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> same globalregion. For example, a person with Iranian and Iraqi ancestry is classified <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> “multiple Arab/WestAsian” category. Where <strong>the</strong>re are not enough <strong>in</strong>dividuals <strong>of</strong> any <strong>in</strong>dividual ancestry to be analyzedseparately, such as for “Central Americans,” only one, composite category <strong>in</strong>cludes both s<strong>in</strong>gle andmultiple mentions.Individuals whose ancestry <strong>in</strong>cludes more than one global region are classified <strong>in</strong> categories labelledwith “and”, such as Arab/West Asian and European, British and o<strong>the</strong>r European, and Caribbean and EastAsian. Two exceptions to this rule are “African and Black” and “Pakistani and Bangladeshi,” which referto people who give ei<strong>the</strong>r <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> two responses. A slash, for example <strong>in</strong> “Aborig<strong>in</strong>al and British/French,”<strong>in</strong>dicates that ei<strong>the</strong>r response is given, so this group <strong>in</strong>cludes <strong>Toronto</strong>nians who are Aborig<strong>in</strong>al andBritish (English, Irish, Scottish, Welsh or any comb<strong>in</strong>ation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>m) or Aborig<strong>in</strong>al and French, orAborig<strong>in</strong>al and British and French.<strong>Ethno</strong>-<strong>Racial</strong> <strong>Inequality</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Toronto</strong>: <strong>An</strong>alysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1996 Census 9
Comparison to <strong>the</strong> Question used <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1991 CensusThe 1991 Census asked <strong>the</strong> same <strong>in</strong>itial question as <strong>in</strong> 1996, “To which ethnic or cultural group (s) didthis person’s ancestors belong?” But <strong>in</strong>stead <strong>of</strong> a series <strong>of</strong> blank boxes for <strong>the</strong>ir answers, respondentswere asked to “Mark or specify as many as applicable” from a list with <strong>the</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g entries: French,English, German, Scottish, Italian, Irish, Ukra<strong>in</strong>ian, Ch<strong>in</strong>ese, Dutch (Ne<strong>the</strong>rlands), Jewish, Polish, Black,North American Indian, Métis, Inuit/Eskimo. At <strong>the</strong> bottom <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> list were two additional blank spaceslabelled “O<strong>the</strong>r ethnic or cultural group(s) – Specify.”Research on survey methods has shown that respondents tend to choose a pre-specified categoryover writ<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> an additional response. So, while it is not likely that a Vietnamese person would say thatshe was Ch<strong>in</strong>ese (because <strong>the</strong>re is a pre-specified category for “Ch<strong>in</strong>ese”), a person who was Vietnameseand Ch<strong>in</strong>ese might only check <strong>the</strong> box for “Ch<strong>in</strong>ese” and not also write <strong>in</strong> “Vietnamese”; and a personwho was Jewish and Polish might check <strong>the</strong> two boxes, but only write <strong>in</strong> “Jewish” <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> blank boxesprovided <strong>in</strong> 1996. <strong>An</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r change is that “o<strong>the</strong>r” responses written <strong>in</strong> by respondents were classified <strong>in</strong>toabout 100 categories <strong>in</strong> 1991 – for a total <strong>of</strong> 115 categories (<strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g those listed on <strong>the</strong> form),approximately one-third less than <strong>the</strong> number used <strong>in</strong> 1996.It turns out that one key difference between <strong>the</strong> two Censuses is that <strong>the</strong>re was a pre-coded responsefor “Black” <strong>in</strong> 1991, but not <strong>in</strong> 1996 (when no pre-specified responses were <strong>of</strong>fered). The result was adramatic decrease <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> “Black” responses; <strong>in</strong> 1996 many <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> respondents who checked <strong>the</strong>box for “Black” <strong>in</strong> 1991 <strong>in</strong>stead described <strong>the</strong>mselves <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> a national orig<strong>in</strong>, such as Nigerian,Jamaican or West Indian. The apparent radical shift, <strong>in</strong> five years between Censuses, <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> distribution<strong>of</strong> <strong>Toronto</strong>nians among <strong>the</strong> categories for African, Black, and <strong>the</strong> Caribbean and African nations andnationalities, is due entirely to <strong>the</strong> change <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> form <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Census questions.<strong>An</strong>o<strong>the</strong>r change was a dramatic <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> number <strong>of</strong> people who only answered “Canadian”, toabout 15 percent <strong>in</strong> 1996 from 6 percent <strong>in</strong> 1991,. This is partly <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> remov<strong>in</strong>g <strong>the</strong> note beside <strong>the</strong>1991 Census question that read:While most people <strong>of</strong> Canada view <strong>the</strong>mselves as Canadian, <strong>in</strong>formation about <strong>the</strong>ir ancestralorig<strong>in</strong>s has been collected s<strong>in</strong>ce <strong>the</strong> 1901 Census to reflect <strong>the</strong> chang<strong>in</strong>g composition <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>Canadian population and is needed to ensure that everyone, regardless <strong>of</strong> his/her ethnic orcultural background, has equal opportunity to share fully <strong>in</strong> <strong>the</strong> economic, social, cultural andpolitical life <strong>of</strong> Canada. Therefore, this question refers to this person's ancestors.What we do not know, unfortunately, is how this affected comparisons between <strong>the</strong> 1991 abd 1996results. The decision to reclassify non-European “Canadian” respondents <strong>in</strong> 1996, us<strong>in</strong>g answers to <strong>the</strong><strong>Ethno</strong>-<strong>Racial</strong> <strong>Inequality</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Toronto</strong>: <strong>An</strong>alysis <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> 1996 Census 10
- Page 6 and 7: origin, South Asians, Arab and West
- Page 8 and 9: Table of ContentsExecutive Summary.
- Page 10 and 11: IntroductionThis Report provides de
- Page 12 and 13: Methodological NotesThis Report pro
- Page 14 and 15: Chapter 1Defining Ethno-Racial Grou
- Page 16 and 17: question, described above. The “C
- Page 20 and 21: acial identification question, redu
- Page 22 and 23: Table 1, continuedEthno-Racial Grou
- Page 24 and 25: percentage of a group has the need.
- Page 26 and 27: ARAB AND WEST ASIAN ORIGINSApproxim
- Page 28 and 29: EUROPEAN ORIGIN GROUPS TEND TO BE O
- Page 30 and 31: The key question involves the numbe
- Page 32 and 33: Table 2, continuedPercentage and Nu
- Page 34 and 35: A second policy concern involves th
- Page 36 and 37: NON-NATIONAL, “RACIAL” AND MULT
- Page 38 and 39: Table 3, continuedKnowledge of Engl
- Page 40 and 41: majority of people speak English. T
- Page 42 and 43: Fully 96.1 percent of Torontonians
- Page 44 and 45: Chapter 2EducationIf educational cr
- Page 46 and 47: Table 4, continuedHighest Level of
- Page 48 and 49: Ethno-Racial Inequality in Toronto:
- Page 50 and 51: Educational Attainment of AdultsAbo
- Page 52 and 53: EUROPEAN ORIGINAmong Europeans, edu
- Page 54 and 55: GROUPS WITH HIGHER PROPORTIONS OF N
- Page 56 and 57: Table 5, continuedSchool Attendance
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- Page 60 and 61: Of most concern are the small numbe
- Page 62 and 63: Not counted as unemployed are “di
- Page 64 and 65: Table 6, continuedLabour Force Char
- Page 66 and 67: Ethno-Racial Inequality in Toronto:
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percent for the African, Black and
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LATIN AMERICAN ORIGINSThe two Latin
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Table 7, continuedIncome from Emplo
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efore coming to Canada likely refle
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Table 8a, continuedOccupations of W
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Table 8bOccupations of Men by Ethno
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Table 8b, continuedOccupations of M
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Ethno-Racial Inequality in Toronto:
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eing an employee; just 3.2 percent
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Table 9, continuedIncidence of Self
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AFRICAN, BLACK AND CARIBBEAN ORIGIN
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esult in similar levels of income.
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Among the individual ethno-racial g
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Chapter 4Poverty and Individual and
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Introduction to the TablesThe first
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Table 10, continuedIncidence of Pov
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Ethno-Racial Inequality in Toronto:
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Table 11, continuedIncidence of Chi
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Ethno-Racial Inequality in Toronto:
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types of families are not an intuit
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children and 12.8 percent of Arab/W
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Table 12, continuedIncidence of Pov
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Southeast Asians and Pacific Island
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Table 13, continuedMedian Family In
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Ethno-Racial Inequality in Toronto:
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Table 14, continuedMedian Individua
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Ethno-Racial Inequality in Toronto:
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SOUTH ASIAN ORIGINSWhile just over
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LATIN AMERICAN ORIGINSDue to statis
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There are remarkable ethno-racial d
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Table 15, continuedHome Ownership o
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percent of Italian families own the
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The most severe disadvantage affect
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Men in Lower SkillJobs(Table 8b/Cha
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which included all other African na
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In Lower Skill Non-Manual Occupatio
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skilled non-manual occupations in 1
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segregation, the effects of unequal