Armenia

Crosscutting Gender Issuesphenomenon, and an estimated 77% of migrants are men. 144 In some communities, upto one-third of the male population, and about one-tenth of the female population, areabsent due to migration. 145 Men in semi-urban communities, those that were supportedby industrial work in neighboring cities during the Soviet period, and those that do nothave agricultural enterprises are most likely to engage in seasonal migration to the RussianFederation. 146 Focus group participants also mentioned families in which the men haveworked outside of Armenia for decades.111. In comparison with other countries in the region, few women in Armenia migratefor work. One of the primary reasons suggested for this gender divide is the “nationalmentality [that] still perceives women as homemakers while men solely take theresponsibility to provide for the family.” 147 Migration was also viewed more negatively forwomen than for men by 78% of respondents to a 2005 survey. 148 Other factors concernthe demands of destination country labor markets and differences in migration patterns.The Russian Federation, the primary destination for Armenia’s migrants, demands workersin industry sectors such as construction. In contrast, higher-GDP and European markets(which are the countries of destination for many of Georgia’s migrants) have greaterdemands for employees in the service sector, especially domestic help and nursing care,which employ more women. 149 When Armenian women do migrate, it is often with theirfamilies, and they are “expected to be the good mothers taking care of family membersrather than engaging in work in other countries.” 150112. Men’s motivation to migrate is clearly tied to employment problems in Armenia,which can range from a lack of jobs generally, lack of jobs that pay sufficiently for a decentstandard of living, and the absence of profession-specific work opportunities. However, thelong tradition of migrating for work may also be a significant push for young men. Surveyshave indicated that in some villages, from which men have been migrating for years, manyyoung men leave to work abroad immediately after completing compulsory military service,without “[making] serious efforts to find a job in Armenia; they just leave, as their fathers oruncles did before them.” 151113. The positive side of labor migration is the fact that migrants are able to providefinancial support to their families. On average, from 2007 to 2012, remittances accountedfor 16% of GDP, down from a peak of 19% in 2004. 152 Households in Armenia commonlyuse remittances for food (82%), monthly bills and household maintenance (82%), and forhealth care expenses (29%). 153 A study conducted in Berd confirmed this finding, whereover half of the women included in a survey are unemployed and rely on remittances.The income that they receive each month covers only the family’s minimal needs. 154 Most144 WomenAm.net. Facts and Figures. http://womennet.am/հայ-միգրանտների-77տոկոսը-տղամարդիկ-են-23/ [in Armenian].According to other estimates, 90% of more migrants from Armenia to the Russian Federation and other countries in theCommonwealth of Independent States are male. A. Dulgaryan, et al. 2008. Labor Migration in Armenian Communities: A CommunitySurvey. Yerevan: Eurasia Partnership Foundation and Caucasus Research Resource Centers. p. 23.145 Women in Local Administration in Armenia, p. 5.146 Ibid., p. 29.147 ILO. 2009. Migration and Development: Armenia Country Study. Yerevan. p. 8.148 Ibid.149 Labor Migration in Armenian Communities: A Community Survey, p. 23.150 Work and Family Relations in Armenia, p. 2.151 Migration and Development: Armenia Country Study, p. 9.152 A. Ghazaryan and G. Tolosa. 2012. Remittances in Armenia: Dynamic Patterns and Drivers. Washington, DC: International MonetaryFund. p. 1.153 Labor Migration in Armenian Communities: A Community Survey, p. 39.154 The Socioeconomic Status of Women in the Berd Region of Armenia, p. 2.33