Armenia

Mainstreaming Gender in Project Operationsused seat belts as compared with only 1.1% of male drivers. 305 Seat belt use is thought toindicate the driver’s inexperience, lack of ability, cowardice, and fear, all traits that correlatenegatively with notions of masculinity. 306 While such figures do not present a definitivepicture of the gender issues implicated in road safety, they do suggest that greater attentionshould be given to the reasons behind the high accident and fatality rates in males.244. Links among gender, transport sector work, sexually transmitted infections,and human trafficking have not been clearly established. An important priority forADB infrastructure projects is to ensure that the improvement of transport corridorsdoes not facilitate the movement of illegal goods, the spread of diseases, or an increasein illicit practices such as commercial sex work and human trafficking. While there arevery important gender dimensions within each of these subjects, there is insufficientinformation relevant to Armenia to establish clear connections between ADB transportprojects and activities to combat human trafficking and related issues.245. Armenia is primarily a country of origin for men, women, and children whoare trafficked into situations of forced labor or sexual exploitation both outside of andwithin the country. The primary trafficking routes are (i) transit over land to Turkey viaGeorgia, and (ii) directly (or via Moscow) to the United Arab Emirates. 307 Women aregenerally subjected to sex trafficking within Armenia and in the United Arab Emiratesand Turkey. Both men and women have been subjected to forced labor in the RussianFederation and Turkey. 308 Trafficking of men is closely associated with labor migration, asmen may incur debts during travel abroad and are then vulnerable to being exploited andvictimized in the destination country. The majority of trafficking victims that have beenidentified by authorities are female Armenian nationals (in 2011, 12 women and 1 man wereidentified). 309 Officials and NGO representatives acknowledge that the actual scale ofhuman trafficking might be greater, because of “the changing nature of human trafficking[for instance, greater internal trafficking], certain shortcomings in the procedure for theidentification of victims, and difficulties in collecting data.” 310 There has been no clearmapping of the populations most at risk of trafficking from, into, or within Armenia,including the mapping of gender-based risk factors or the methods and transit corridorsemployed by traffickers.246. The government and NGOs have taken measures to prevent trafficking in humans,most of which involve awareness raising and education about trafficking risks and sourcesof assistance, either aimed at a general audience, youth, or specific to child trafficking.Further development of targeted awareness raising for groups vulnerable to trafficking inpersons is needed. 311 Likewise, prevention efforts should be expanded to include social andeconomic empowerment measures for groups vulnerable to trafficking that are based on305 T. Matosyan. 2009. Killer Seat Belts, Feminine Drivers and Tinted Windows: Pitfalls on the Way of Enforcement of Seat Belt Rules inArmenia. Yerevan: Caucasus Research Resource Centers. pp. 11–12.306 Ibid.307 H. Snajdrova and B. Hancilova. 2007. Trafficking in Human Beings in the Republic of Armenia: An Assessment of Current Responses.Yerevan: OSCE. p. 11.308 United States Department of State. 2013. Trafficking in Persons Report, June 2013. Washington, DC. p. 75.309 Group of Experts on Action against Trafficking in Human Beings. 2012. Report Concerning the Implementation of the Council of EuropeConvention on Action Against Trafficking in Human Beings by Armenia. Strasbourg. p. 10.310 Ibid.311 Ibid., p. 25.71