Crosscutting Gender Issuesbe a useful calculation when estimating potential costs to the state of implementing acomprehensive domestic violence law and for budget planning.149. While the economic impact of GBV on the larger community has also not beenstudied in <strong>Armenia</strong>, internationally, it is recognized that GBV places a considerablestrain on national resources, to say nothing of devastating consequences for individualwomen and their families. Assessments in other countries have found that GBV reducesthe capacity of victims/survivors to contribute productively to the family, the economy,and public life; and drains resources from social services, the justice system, healthcareagencies and employers. While even the most comprehensive surveys to dateunderestimate the costs, they all show that the failure to address violence against womenhas serious economic consequences. 214150. In <strong>Armenia</strong>, domestic violence has been identified as leading directly to losses inwomen’s productivity, which can be considerable when aggregated. Sexual harassmentin the workplace is a factor that limits women’s choice of jobs and ability to advance.Although there are no figures for <strong>Armenia</strong>, calculations of the economic losses incurredthrough direct costs (e.g., expenditures related to services for survivors, medical care, lawenforcement costs, legal costs, and property damage), indirect costs to the private sector(e.g., lost or reduced productivity at work, and absenteeism), and pain and suffering inother countries are high. The European Parliament, for example, estimates that the annualeconomic cost of violence against women across the European Union (EU) amounted to€228 billion ($285 billion) in 2013 (1.8% of the EU gross domestic product [GDP] in 2011). 215Prevention measures are estimated to cost substantially less and to be more cost-effectivethan treating the consequences of violence once it has occurred.3. Skewed Sex Ratio at Birth151. In the last 3 years, the issue of skewed birth sex ratios in <strong>Armenia</strong> has come tothe fore and been the subject of public debate and research. Since the early 1990s, thesex-at-birth ratio has been consistently widening, with male births outnumbering femalebirths in a greater proportion than occurs naturally. The same trend has been observed inAzerbaijan and Georgia. Immediately after independence, the sex-at-birth ratio rose fromthe accepted normal biological ratio (102–106 boys to 100 girls), peaking at 120 male birthsper 100 female births, the highest level ever observed in the world. Neighboring countriesreached peaks of 115–118 male births per 100 female births. 216 Since then, the sex-at-birthratio has oscillated between 114 and 116, and seems to have stabilized at 114 male births to100 female births in 2012. 217 There is also considerable regional variation within <strong>Armenia</strong> insex-at-birth ratios—as high as from 122–124 boys to 100 girls (in Aragatsotn andGegharkunik marzer) and as low as 110–113 boys to 100 girls (in Yerevan and Syunik Marz). 218214 United Nations. 2006. Ending Violence against Women: From Words to Action. A Study of the Secretary General. New York. p. iii.215 Committee on Women’s Rights and Gender Equality, European Parliament. 2013. Draft Report with Recommendations to theCommission on Combating Violence Against Women. 2013/2004(INL). Strasbourg. p. 5.216 C. Guilmoto. 2013. Sex Imbalances at Birth in <strong>Armenia</strong>: Demographic Evidence and Analysis. Yerevan: UNFPA. p. 40.217 Ibid., p. 6.218 Ibid., pp. 54–55.45
<strong>Armenia</strong> Country Gender Assessment152. A 2013 study, supported by the United Nations Population Fund, confirmed whathad been suspected—skewed birth sex ratios are caused by the use of technology todetermine prenatal sex and terminate a pregnancy in the case of a female. 219 Families in<strong>Armenia</strong> are using prenatal sex selection as a means to “prevent girls from being born forthe sake of having a son.” 220153. Three preconditions are necessary for prenatal sex selection to occur, and all arepresent in <strong>Armenia</strong>: (i) the availability and accessibility of technology that allows for thedetermination of prenatal sex and the termination of a pregnancy; (ii) preference for sons,and specific conditions that suggest that male children “carry distinct social, cultural oreconomic benefits;” and (iii) a decline in fertility and low birth rates that act as a “‘squeezefactor’, forcing parents to make serious choices regarding a subsequent pregnancy.” 221Examined more closely, ultrasound technology, which became widely available in <strong>Armenia</strong>in the 1990s, as well as an inheritance of using abortion as a method of contraception andfamily planning from the Soviet period, has contributed to this.154. A declining fertility rate, perhaps combined with economic instability, has alsomeant that the size of families in <strong>Armenia</strong> has decreased considerably. Fertility is belowthe replacement level in <strong>Armenia</strong>, with an average birth rate of 1.5 children per woman in2011. 222 The significance of decreasing family size is illustrated by the fact that sex-selectiveabortion increases dramatically with the third and fourth pregnancy. Among third births,the sex ratio at birth reached an average of 170 males to 100 females from 2001 to 2010. 223This finding was confirmed during focus group discussions when people noted that thehope with a first pregnancy is simply for a healthy child, and only later when a male has notbeen born, do families become more focused on the need for a boy.155. The other precondition, son preference, is perhaps the most difficult to quantify,and it is also important to keep in mind that son preference is itself a manifestation ofa deeper issue of gender discrimination. Although there has been limited research onson preference in <strong>Armenia</strong>, surveys do show that parents prefer to have more sons thandaughters. 224 One survey found that the number of families preferring sons is 6 timesgreater than those that prefer a daughter, and in rural areas, this rate rises to 10 times morefamilies preferring sons. In urban areas, son preference is less evident—about 4 timeshigher than daughter preference. 225 Such differences may reflect more traditional attitudesin rural areas about men’s role or may indicate that urban residents perceive that theirdaughters will have greater opportunities. The provinces with the greatest evidence of sonpreference (most skewed sex-at-birth ratios) are also those with the highest male outmigrationlevels.156. The kinds of inequality and gender disparities that are discussed throughoutthis assessment stem from <strong>Armenia</strong>’s patriarchal culture that is “based on a patrilinealkinship system… [in which] families revolve around the male line, headed by the elder219 It is thought that sex-selective abortion is the primary mechanism that results in the sex imbalance, and not, for example, the use ofpre-implantation sex testing in fertility clinics. Ibid., p. 61.220 UNFPA. 2013. Factsheet on “Sex Imbalances at Birth in <strong>Armenia</strong>: Demographic Evidence and Analysis” Report. Yerevan. p. 1.221 Sex Imbalances at Birth in <strong>Armenia</strong>: Demographic Evidence and Analysis, pp. 17–18.222 Ibid., p. 8.223 Ibid., p. 9.224 Ibid., p. 32.225 UNFPA. 2012. Prevalence of and Reasons for Sex-Selective Abortions in <strong>Armenia</strong>. Yerevan. p. 41.46