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PUTIN’S RESET

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spread of terrorism beyond the North Caucasus and ultimately eliminating it are<br />

major state priorities. Russian leaders’ endless reiterations that they intervened in<br />

Syria to prevent terrorists from returning home clearly has a basis in Russian policy<br />

and implicitly underscores the connection from internal to external security even if<br />

Moscow helped terrorists move to Syria to reduce terrorism in the North Caucasus. 36<br />

Domestic instability clearly impedes realization of restoring Russia’s<br />

acknowledged great power status, not only in the former Soviet sphere but beyond it,<br />

particularly in the Middle East, an area that Moscow still maintains is close to its<br />

borders despite the Soviet collapse in 1991. Therefore Moscow’s actions in Syria<br />

strongly represent the much broader phenomenon of commingling of both internal<br />

and external means of ensuring security in order to realize this great power program.<br />

According to Luke Chambers, a foreign affairs analyst for the UK Conservative Party,<br />

Endogenous and exogenous behavior and processes in the last decade relating to<br />

Russia should not be viewed as discrete: instead there is analytical value in<br />

evaluating the Kremlin’s domestic and foreign agendas as part of a wider, unitary<br />

strategy to restore Russia’s role as a global actor. The design pursued<br />

domestically exerts a strong influence on foreign policy; accordingly, the longterm<br />

goals of Russian foreign policy are lodged within the Russian state as well<br />

as without. 37<br />

Imperialism and power projection abroad, most recently seen in Ukraine and<br />

Syria, are intrinsic to the great power project and inherent in the structure and nature<br />

of the Russian state. 38 Indeed, the long-standing desire to restore Russia to its<br />

previous Cold War prominence in the Middle East at Washington’s expense<br />

dovetailed in the wake of the “Arab Spring” in 2011. As Prime Minister, Putin very<br />

quickly expressed fear that the revolts in Tunisia, Egypt, and Libya would “inevitably”<br />

engender greater violence in the North Caucasus. 39 Similarly, then-President<br />

Medvedev openly expressed the Kremlin’s belief that these insurgencies were direct<br />

result of a foreign conspiracy against Russia. 40 Since then, this justification for acting<br />

in the Middle East has continued uninterrupted and Russian officials continually<br />

claim that their bombing raids are eliminating the terrorists. Evidently, for Moscow<br />

all opposition to Russian allies and/or interests is inherently terrorist in nature and<br />

justifies virtually any response.<br />

Additionally, there are several other important domestic goals that a short,<br />

victorious war in Syria might serve. Dmitiri Trenin, Director of the Moscow office of<br />

the Carnegie Endowment, states that an “expanding Russian presence in the region’s<br />

arms, nuclear, oil and gas, food, and other markets,” will reward key interest groups in<br />

28

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