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Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 10(1) The first intonation unit in this example contains a subject noun phrase indexing the character who utters the quote followed by the first clause of the quote: an exclamation followed by a verb in imperative form. On the pitch trace, an increase in fundamental frequency is clearly seen over the quoted portion of this intonation unit. 13 The F0 measurements bear this out; while the noun phrase māji=n has an average F0 measurement of 168 hertz, the direct speech report lau õ has an average F0 of 197 hertz. The third intonation unit in this example also has a combination of quoted and non-quoted material. It contains the predicate of the second clause kho tār yeŋ-an bi-u ‘ferry across the river’ followed by the quotative verb and evidential particle. We see that there is a rise in F0 over the last syllables of the direct quote, followed by a sharp drop (of about 80 hertz) over the quotative verb and particle. It is interesting that the quotative verb, which is the complement-taking predicate and hence the “main verb” of the sentence in syntactic terms, is clearly the reduced element in prosodic terms. 5.3 Loudness In addition to the decreased pitch over the quotative verb and final particle in example (11), there is also a marked decrease in loudness. Variations in loudness commonly set off quoted speech from the surrounding quotative frame. We can see this by comparing the average intensity over the last three syllables of the quoted material, which is 72 decibels, while the average intensity over the three syllables of the quotative verb and particle, 61 decibels. This is a clearly audible difference. While the quotative verb is a syntactically required element and not an afterthought, the prosodic reduction in pitch and loudness produces the impression that the quotative verb is “tacked on” to the quote, like an obligatory grammatical particle. Narrators sometimes use variations in loudness to mark turn-taking in reported conversations. In such sequences, the speech reports are produced at the level of loudness typical of the narrative as a whole, while the quotative frames are produced at a quieter level, even to the point of being barely audible on the recording. When repeated, this pattern of variation functions as an aid in the layering of voices and the corresponding levels of the narrative: the louder discourse tracks the voice of the characters and the embedded level of their conversation, while the softer discourse tracks the voice of the narrator and the main line of the narration. An example of this is given in (12), a series of three independent sentences, each reporting the speech of one of three characters. These sentences have parallel structuring: each begins with the subject noun phrase thi-mā=n ‘one’, which is produced in its own intonation unit with falling intonation, here functioning to delineate the referents as distinct topics; this is then followed by the production of the speech report; and each ends with the quotative verb and sentence-final evidential particle. 13 Fundamental frequency is the acoustic parameter which correlates with perceived pitch. Intensity is the acoustic parameter which correlates with perceived loudness. 66
Genetti: Direct speech reports and the cline of prosodic integration in Dolakha Newar (12) Increased loudness on speech reports; decreased on quotative frames a. ^thi-mā=n \ one-cl=erg . “^ ji wā: \ 1s top ^hāluwā chu=ke ũ-i dar-sā jana \ haluwa cook=all go-inf have-if 1sgen .^nai khõ-i jeu” \\ food see-1fut maybe .. hat-cu hã \\ say-3spst evid b. . thi-mā=n \ one-cl=erg .. “^bhānche=ke ũ-i dar-sa janta jā uliuli khene cook=all go-1fut have-if 1sdat rice little bit na-i bi-eu” hat-cu hã \\ eat-inf give-3fut say-3sPST evid c. . thi-mā=n \ one-cl=erg .. “^ ji wā rājā=ke tuŋ ũ-i ka” \\ 1s top king=all foc go-1fut ass .. haŋ-an hat-cu hã \\ say-part say-3spst evid Table 2 displays the average intensity measurements over the three parts of each sentence: the prequotative noun phrase, the quote itself, and the post-quotative material (quotative verb, optional complementizer haŋ-an, and evidential particle). 67
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volume 10 number 1 June 2011 himala
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Himalayan Linguistics Volume 10, Nu
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Michael Noonan in Nepal, sitting wi
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Works by David Watters Books Forthc
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xxi Works by David Watters 2006.
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(6) amh bəyʔ-ne-wʔ food give-NON
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Singular Plural 1 maʔ-niŋ maʔ-nu
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(37) (a) *kurc-ya bɦormi stingy- S
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‘He is always late.’ (S) (b) ho
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3 Lexical correspondences with regi
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3.2 Distinguishing features of Gyal
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PK Hayu Sunwar Bahing Jero Wambule
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hear Gloss lie down one PK Hayu Sun
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