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ible, and before, Russians have sought<br />

a strong leader. Western style political<br />

democracy has never taken root and may<br />

never. An oligarchy, whether aristo-<br />

cratic, political or economic, has always<br />

ruled. Yet elsewhere, the likelihood of a<br />

successful hybrid maintaining more<br />

than a meta-stability is far slimmer.<br />

Certainly, there was every motive for<br />

Dubai to turn its back on the fl agrant,<br />

bordering on vulgar, expansion and ex-<br />

cesses of the early 2000s when the capital<br />

(and debt) base on which its system of<br />

democratic capitalism was being con-<br />

structed simply imploded after the global<br />

recession. Yet, with the help of neighbor-<br />

ing big brother Abu Dhabi, it managed<br />

to avoid full nationalization of its falter-<br />

ing enterprises. Admittedly, most were<br />

majority-owned anyway by the govern-<br />

ment. But a full seizure of some of these<br />

corporations risked leaving this vibrant<br />

nation with the international and credit<br />

rating of the most abject bankrupt when<br />

(not if, mind you) the global system has<br />

returned to full recovery, hopefully in<br />

the not-too-distant future. <strong>The</strong>re were<br />

other motivations here as well, of<br />

course—largely the deep stakes that real<br />

Dubai “citizens” retain in virtually every<br />

enterprise of the emirate. But Dubai’s<br />

development is ultimately founded on<br />

the profi t motive and that is the heart of<br />

democratic capitalism, even in a nation<br />

that is ruled by an aristocracy.<br />

It is equally imperative that <strong>India</strong> resists<br />

the siren call of a return to state<br />

capitalism. <strong>The</strong> form this must take, of<br />

course, will be different from any other,<br />

as indeed any nation’s form of political<br />

and economic system and how they interact<br />

is different from any other. American<br />

capitalism and democracy, for in-<br />

C OMPARATIVE PLANNING<br />

stance, differs from the system in<br />

England, France, Germany, even Canada<br />

where parliaments rule. At the same<br />

time, there is a difference between a<br />

large and vigorous public sector and fullblown<br />

state capitalism. Indeed, in a<br />

democratic system there is certainly a<br />

role for a state sector that may take on<br />

such essential, potentially only marginally<br />

profi table, services as public transport,<br />

water supply, electricity, and the<br />

post (though in each of these cases there<br />

are certainly instances where the private<br />

sector has assumed such functions to a<br />

more or less profi table or effi cient degree<br />

instead of or alongside the public sector).<br />

In most nations, and particularly <strong>India</strong>,<br />

it has become impossible to retrace<br />

the steps of a system that once set on a<br />

With the help of Abu Dhabi, Dubai<br />

managed to avoid full nationalization<br />

of its faltering enterprises<br />

new direction assumes a momentum of<br />

its own. France tried to do so, all but<br />

catastrophically, in the 1980s. Many<br />

communist states, from Cuba to Central<br />

Europe, did so in the early to mid-twentieth<br />

century. It is unlikely that any nation<br />

will try such sweeping repositioning<br />

in the future. And with the increasingly<br />

tight interlinkage of the global economy<br />

in these days of instant communications,<br />

that is a very good thing indeed.<br />

(Author's last book was "A Shattered<br />

Peace: Versailles 1919 and the Price We<br />

Pay Today" and he encourages readers to<br />

follow him on Twitter @DavidAndelman.<br />

<strong>The</strong> views expressed in the write-up are<br />

personal and do not reflect the offi cial<br />

policy or position of the organization.)<br />

THE INDIA ECONOMY REVIEW<br />

109

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