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P LANNING P ARADIGM<br />

achieving “more even distribution of<br />

power”. <strong>The</strong>se, without doubt, were desir-<br />

able goals but these depended very heavily<br />

on role and effi ciency of public sector<br />

enterprises. (PSEs) which were expected<br />

to generate adequate surpluses consistently<br />

and plough it back through fresh<br />

investments in desired sectors. <strong>The</strong> system<br />

of industrial licenses was to be a<br />

means to prevent concentration of income<br />

and wealth. Subsequent studies, however,<br />

revealed that the very system helped large<br />

industrial houses to corner licenses and<br />

help retain their monopoly status.<br />

After successful First Five Year Plan,<br />

the Second Five Year Plan unveiled a<br />

strategy of accelerated development<br />

through development of heavy & capital<br />

intensive industries. This disturbed the<br />

initial consensus about the planning process.<br />

Brahmananda & Vakil, inter alia,<br />

argued the need to accord priority for<br />

agriculture, instead of heavy & capital<br />

goods industries, so that supply of wage<br />

goods could be enlarged. <strong>The</strong> underachievement<br />

of the planning process was<br />

refl ected in slower than targeted growth<br />

during the third fi ve year plan period<br />

(Table 1). This coupled with two wars and<br />

a severe draught necessitated a plan holiday<br />

for three years. Planning resumed in<br />

1969 when Fourth Five Year Plan was<br />

launched. But there were two other occasions<br />

(in 1979-80 and 1990-91) when Five<br />

Year Plans were replaced by Annual<br />

Plans. (Table 1).<br />

Centralized planning process in a diverse<br />

country like <strong>India</strong> with a federal<br />

constitution should be considered little bit<br />

anachronistic. In 1972 Planning Commission<br />

advised state governments to set up<br />

state planning boards as apex planning<br />

bodies with chief Minister as the chairmen<br />

and the fi nance minister, Planning<br />

76 THE IIPM THINK TANK<br />

Table 1 : <strong>India</strong>n <strong>Economy</strong> Planned vs. Actual Growth<br />

Target ( % p. a. ) Actual (% p. a. )<br />

First ( 1951-56) 2.1 3.5<br />

Second (1956-61) 4.5 4.2<br />

Third ( 1961-66) 5.6 2.8<br />

Annual Plans (66-69) - 3.9<br />

Fourth ( 1969-74) 5.7 3.2<br />

Fifth ( 74-79) 4.4 4.7<br />

Annual Plan (1979-80) - -5.2<br />

Sixth (1980-85) 5.2 5.5<br />

Seventh (1985-90) 5 5.6<br />

Annual Plan (90-91) - 3.4<br />

Eighth (1992-97) 5.6 6.5<br />

Ninth 6.5 5.5<br />

Tenth (2002-07) 7.9 7.7<br />

Eleventh Plan (2007-12) 9 ?<br />

Source: Eleventh Five Year Plan Vol. 1<br />

Minister and technical experts representing<br />

various departments and disciplines<br />

as members. This scheme envisaged decentralization<br />

of planning process to the<br />

district and ultimately block level. While<br />

decentralization has taken some roots at<br />

the state level, further decentralization to<br />

lower levels of governments, notwithstanding<br />

constitutional amendments to<br />

strengthen Panchayat Raj institutions,<br />

remains an unachieved goal.<br />

Persistent lackluster growth performance<br />

of the <strong>India</strong>n <strong>Economy</strong> during 1960s<br />

and 1970s drew critical attention to shortfalls<br />

in planning process & development<br />

policies pursued by Government of <strong>India</strong>.<br />

Spectacular growth performance by<br />

other countries, the so called Asian tigers<br />

in particular, led to demands for shift<br />

from closed economy approach and its<br />

substitution by an export oriented outward<br />

looking approach giving more lee<br />

way to private initiatives and competitive<br />

markets. A variety of critiques of planning<br />

experiences in <strong>India</strong>, in particular, and<br />

prescriptions for future improvements in<br />

it are refl ected in Ahluwalia, Bardhan,<br />

Chakravarty and Patnaik.<br />

Over the years, economic policies have<br />

become more open, market oriented and<br />

private sector friendly particularly since<br />

mid 1980s. <strong>The</strong>re have been signifi cant<br />

shifts in the thinking about the role of<br />

public sector. <strong>The</strong> actual performance of<br />

PSEs has not been as expected. As a result,<br />

desired higher share of public sector<br />

investment was not achieved. Moreover,<br />

the need to maintain the fi scal balance<br />

has reduced the ability of the government<br />

to commit additional resources at the<br />

disposal of PSEs. This became another<br />

reason to encourage private and foreign<br />

investments in several sectors hitherto<br />

reserved for PSEs.<br />

As refl ected in Table 2 relative contribution<br />

of Public sector investment has<br />

reduced signifi cantly over the years. This<br />

has eroded numerical primacy of public<br />

sector investment. Plan exercises were<br />

primarily for public sector component of<br />

plan investment. Less than satisfactory<br />

performance of Public sector units has<br />

not only adversely affected target growth<br />

rate and investment pattern but also<br />

dented the Planning Commission’s ability<br />

to prepare an effective plan. Notwith-

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