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in such times. <strong>The</strong> other institution was<br />

that of the market. <strong>The</strong> market brought<br />

with itself a number of issues which were<br />

quiet clear when a comparative picture<br />

was drawn of those economies that had<br />

developed markets and those that had<br />

only nominal ones. Underdeveloped<br />

economies and underdeveloped markets<br />

seemingly share a sine qua non relationship<br />

inimical to economic development.<br />

<strong>The</strong> State and Market relationship had,<br />

then, a validity that needed to be accounted<br />

for. If these were some of the<br />

important institutions, then there were<br />

certain methodologies that were required<br />

to be put in place so as to provide a manner<br />

to address these as part of a common<br />

framework. Economic planning was an<br />

early answer as the bridge between the<br />

State and that of market. <strong>The</strong> role of the<br />

State in forging the relationship by adopting<br />

this bridge was an activity of essence.<br />

<strong>The</strong> State in <strong>India</strong> opted for this as part of<br />

its intervention in the politico-economic<br />

landscape. It did so by setting up the Planning<br />

Commission, and also made this institution<br />

organizationally relevant by relating<br />

it to the political leadership in<br />

charge of deciding on construct of economic<br />

policies expected to engender the<br />

process of economic development. Planning<br />

for the economy was a critical input,<br />

and the State soon after independence<br />

took steps to institutionalize the process<br />

of planning for the economy as part of the<br />

economic development process.<br />

<strong>The</strong> prospects of what are identifi ed as<br />

‘market failure’ and that of ‘government<br />

failure’ were aspects that could well happen<br />

on putting the stated State, market<br />

and economic planning troika-schema<br />

into practice. <strong>The</strong>se were concerns not<br />

just for select nation states as <strong>India</strong>. <strong>The</strong>re<br />

were issues that were faced by emergent<br />

nations across the world at those points in<br />

time. Where the differences between na-<br />

tion states emerged as issue of conse-<br />

quence was in that of the specifi c historic-<br />

ity of each of these nations. <strong>The</strong> historic<br />

specifi city of <strong>India</strong> emerging from long<br />

period of direct colonial rule was different<br />

from that of Korea which had a compara-<br />

tively much shorter period of Japanese<br />

rule. Nonetheless, in both instances the<br />

role of the State in relating with the market<br />

and the adoption of state planning in<br />

matters economic are very much in evidence.<br />

Historic evidence also points out<br />

that the pattern in which this eventually<br />

worked out was quiet different in one nation<br />

state over that of the other. <strong>The</strong> manner<br />

of intervention that the combination<br />

of State, market and economic planning<br />

was structured, that is the combinatorial<br />

input, was specifi c to a nation state and<br />

the results that were realized say in terms<br />

of the changes in per capita income confi<br />

rm this in good measure. 1 <strong>The</strong> role of<br />

each of the combinatorial input is important,<br />

and so is that of the effect that the<br />

I NTEGRATED PLANNING<br />

combinatorial input has when brought in<br />

as a whole. <strong>The</strong> manner in which economic<br />

planning was leveraged by the State<br />

to both intervene and as also to develop<br />

the market was a critical one.<br />

Economic Planning —<br />

Issues that Play a Critical Role<br />

A superfi cial reading of economic planning<br />

as a mode of intervention by the<br />

State would mean taking an instrumentalist<br />

view of that which is meant to be associated<br />

with planning. Economic planning<br />

need not be brought down to a level<br />

of being a mode of an instrumentalist intervention<br />

alone. Viewed as such, the essence<br />

dwindles to one of methodology and<br />

we are presented with an approach that<br />

Economic planning was an early<br />

answer as the bridge between the<br />

State and that of market in <strong>India</strong><br />

gets limited to the richness, or the lack of<br />

it, of that methodology. In an early paper,<br />

Hayek initiated a debate on economic<br />

planning2 . And he did so by asking a question,<br />

and which was as to, ‘What is the<br />

problem we wish to solve when we try to<br />

construct a rational economic order?’ 3<br />

Hayek alluded that if looked at using common<br />

suppositions, that is the instrumentalist<br />

format referred to here, the answer<br />

is not far and it is amenable to logical inference.<br />

What is implied is that in case we<br />

have all the appropriate information<br />

about what society wants, and also the<br />

obtainable ways and means to address<br />

these, the economic calculus to be adopted<br />

for addressing the economic problem<br />

posed is not a diffi cult one to resolve. <strong>The</strong><br />

error in methodology is in the assumption<br />

that we know the blueprint in which allo-<br />

THE INDIA ECONOMY REVIEW<br />

33

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