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P LANNING P ARADIGM<br />

Central Agency in<br />

With the changing role of the state in a globalised world, planning process in<br />

democratic country like <strong>India</strong> calls for ‘planning as persuasion’ where different voices<br />

get rightful place than being made into ‘abstract citizens’ to attain neutral planning<br />

Just like the function of painting<br />

dramatically changed after the<br />

invention of photography, the<br />

function of planning too drastically<br />

changed after the State has redefi ned<br />

its role in relation to market and civil society<br />

in a globalised world. <strong>The</strong>re is no<br />

suggestion to do away with planning (see<br />

Stiglitz 1997; Bagchi 2007). Rather, creative<br />

use of older paradigm of planning<br />

means not merely ‘seeing like a state’<br />

(Scott 1998), but also planning after ‘seeing<br />

like a household’, ‘seeing like a market’<br />

and ‘seeing like a collective’ all at the same<br />

time. Some authors (see Wade 1990) have<br />

argued that where there is a synergy of<br />

such different ‘sights’ through division of<br />

allocation decisions between market and<br />

the State, growth is more likely to occur.<br />

This paper aims to spell out the rationale<br />

for a new type of planning in democratic<br />

society like that of <strong>India</strong>, which could be<br />

termed as ‘planning as persuasion’.<br />

Neutral Planning<br />

for Political Masters<br />

Valuation is at the heart of policy making.<br />

Value-confl icts also refer to equity as the<br />

goal of public policy. Is there neutral planning<br />

when equity is the goal? It is good to<br />

be reminded of the history of Planning<br />

Commission to answer this. Ideological<br />

12 THE IIPM THINK TANK<br />

confl icts between Gandhians and Nehruvians<br />

in the pre-independence period (that<br />

time to go after industrialization or not) resulted<br />

in the formation of National Planning<br />

Committee in 1937 (Chatterjee, 2001:<br />

273), in the hope that such ‘neutral’ committee<br />

would be able to fi nd a workable<br />

path despite of ideological controversies.<br />

<strong>The</strong> committee reemerged as Planning<br />

Commission after independence.<br />

Vibrancy of democracy is the existence<br />

of different voices. Once these different<br />

voices are made into ‘abstract citizens’ a<br />

neutral planning is achievable. Fortunately,<br />

different voices in our country have<br />

not chosen to make the ‘exit’ option. That<br />

has made planning a challenging affair.<br />

Guha (2008) has argued that ideological<br />

divisions in the <strong>India</strong>n society determine<br />

the nature of scientifi c inquiry in this country.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is no reason to believe that intellectual<br />

space exists apart from ideological<br />

orientations. As ideological divisions are<br />

deeply political, the ‘positioning’ in fact<br />

saturates any intellectual space. Valuations<br />

are entrenched in such ideological divisions.<br />

This has macro level applications at<br />

the decision making level for policy, also<br />

at micro level of policy implementation<br />

since policy performance is also dependent<br />

on the set of beliefs, values and judgments<br />

of participants.<br />

Reason-dominated planning has been<br />

the hallmark of modernity, and such rational<br />

determination in the planning process<br />

“…must know the physical resources<br />

whose allocation is to be planned, it must<br />

know the economic agents who act upon<br />

these resources, know their needs, capacities,<br />

and propensities, know what<br />

constitutes the signals according to which<br />

they act, know how they respond to those<br />

signals.” (Chatterjee 2001: 281). <strong>The</strong>re is<br />

always a lot of residue while technocratic<br />

planners gain such information. Such<br />

residue works as politics outside the political<br />

process upsetting the plans. A lot of<br />

what is attributed as ‘implementation<br />

defi cit’ is actually design failure. Free<br />

market propagators such as Friedman<br />

believed when planning is completely left<br />

to market such residue does not exist,<br />

since local people know what is best. Such<br />

thinkers, therefore, believed that hope for<br />

<strong>India</strong> is not from big industrialists or government<br />

planned public sector units,<br />

rather from street-level entrepreneurs<br />

who had perfect information about local<br />

realities. But, we may argue a planning<br />

that leaves space for such entrepreneurs is<br />

still desirable.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re are two options for planning<br />

here. One, ignore ideologies and pronounce<br />

like Clinton’s presidential cam-

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