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Mind-Munitions

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214<br />

Propaganda in the Age of Total War and Cold War<br />

in the entire war. And when all is said and done, and in spite of the<br />

wartime anxieties of the press concerning censorship, it was not so<br />

much what the MOI actually did but rather what it might do which<br />

most frightened journalists. The essential realization that government<br />

and the media had the same objectives as far as winning the<br />

war was concerned, and that their partnership in shaping morale<br />

might help to determine its outcome, led to a mutual appreciation<br />

of the limits to which either side could and could not go.<br />

In May 1940, the government banned the export of communist<br />

journals. Stalin had signed a non-aggression pact with Hitler in<br />

August 1939 and Russia had to be treated as unfriendly, if not as<br />

an enemy, until June 1941 when the Germans attacked them. The<br />

ban was only lifted after the battle of Stalingrad. In July 1940, the<br />

Daily Worker was warned that its pacifist line contravened<br />

Defence Regulation 2D, which made it an offence under the<br />

Defence of the Realm Act ‘systematically to publish matter<br />

calculated to foment opposition to the prosecution of the war’. The<br />

warning was ignored, and in January 1941 the Home Secretary,<br />

Herbert Morrison, ordered Scotland Yard into the offices of the<br />

Daily Worker, together with those of The Week, to stop the presses.<br />

They were only allowed to resume publication in August 1942<br />

when a comprehensive re-education campaign about ‘Our Soviet<br />

Friends’ was in full flight. Far more serious, due to the size and<br />

nature of its circulation, was the constant sniping of the Daily<br />

Mirror. The circulation of this newspaper rose from 1.75 million in<br />

1939 to 3 million in 1946 and was particularly popular among the<br />

troops – no doubt attracted by the charms of its erotic comic strip<br />

heroine ‘Jane’. Even when Churchill replaced Chamberlain as<br />

Prime Minister in May 1940, the paper conducted its acrimonious<br />

campaign against the ‘Guilty Men of Munich’ to the point where<br />

even Churchill was embarrassed. In January 1941, Churchill<br />

summoned its owners and virtually ordered them to desist. His<br />

inclination to suppress the paper was tempered by the Home<br />

Secretary and the MOI who did not wish to suppress opinion or<br />

indulge in post-censorship. A personal interview was sufficient to<br />

abate the paper’s attacks on that occasion.<br />

The period between February and November 1942 was as bleak<br />

for Britain in terms of morale – public as well as private – as at any<br />

time in the war. Barely had the country recovered from the shock of<br />

the news that German battleships had passed undetected through

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