european journal of social sciences issn: 1450-2267 - EuroJournals
european journal of social sciences issn: 1450-2267 - EuroJournals
european journal of social sciences issn: 1450-2267 - EuroJournals
You also want an ePaper? Increase the reach of your titles
YUMPU automatically turns print PDFs into web optimized ePapers that Google loves.
European Journal <strong>of</strong> Social Sciences – Volume 5, Number 3 (2007)<br />
other part <strong>of</strong> the story, much less well known, is that which comprises the middle road. This is a place<br />
where many Cypriots, both Turkish and Greek, desire to construct their own sovereign identities,<br />
which may be influenced by both Turkey and Greece, but they do not desire a strict replica <strong>of</strong> either.<br />
This is a very small piece <strong>of</strong> land in the Mediterranean and it has been concretely divided by a demilitarized<br />
zone and maintained by troops from the United Nations for nearly a quarter <strong>of</strong> a century.<br />
This fact has a substantial set <strong>of</strong> implications not only in that it separates the two largest ethnic groups<br />
<strong>of</strong> the island, but also in that it influences the realities, perceptual and otherwise, that they construct in<br />
reference to each other 7 . This situation closely mirrors what occurred when Germany was split into<br />
east and west and what occurs with the two Koreas today. At present, the Greek population comprises<br />
77% <strong>of</strong> the population and the Turkish is 18% 8 .<br />
The Aftermath <strong>of</strong> Independence<br />
Cyprus achieved its independence from Britain in 1960. But this came with a series <strong>of</strong> problems since<br />
the two largest groups on the island had, from encounters that were sometimes violent, built isolationist<br />
and prejudiced tendencies into their <strong>social</strong> and educational practices with regard to each other. The<br />
constitution establishing the republic did not help matters any. The formal document referred to both<br />
groups in the articulation <strong>of</strong> its principles, instead <strong>of</strong> ‘one people’. There was also no national<br />
language. There was only the existence <strong>of</strong> groups that saw and defined themselves as being different<br />
in their ethnicity, nationality, and identity, but in close proximity to one another. Their schooling<br />
taught values strictly aligned with either Greek or Turkish identity, especially that <strong>of</strong> religious<br />
education. Hence, there were no real structures built in to foster political or ideological compatibility<br />
or tolerance between the two, only those serving as default political tools 9 .<br />
Different groups on the island, some <strong>of</strong> which were illegal and <strong>of</strong> a caliber <strong>of</strong> vigilante, worked<br />
to promote one cultural identity by undermining the legitimacy <strong>of</strong> the other and provoking civil unrest.<br />
This started with the Greek population, but then spread to the Turkish population. Both sides accused<br />
each other <strong>of</strong> being the antagonists <strong>of</strong> the situation and claimed defense, physically and in terms <strong>of</strong><br />
sovereignty. The implication here is that these underground organizations created the climate where<br />
suspicion was prevalent and could easily be acted upon. Thus, from 1963-1974, there was substantial<br />
civil unrest on Cyprus, but the culminating events came first with a coup de grace engineered in<br />
Greece whereby the president <strong>of</strong> the Greek Cypriot Republic was overthrown. Though he was restored<br />
to the <strong>of</strong>fice, Turkey followed with a military invasion <strong>of</strong> the northern half <strong>of</strong> the island in 1974,<br />
claiming defense <strong>of</strong> sovereign Turkish Cypriot interests 10 . The ensuing conflict forced thousands <strong>of</strong><br />
Greek residents to flee south from their homes in the north. Prior to and subsequent to the invasion,<br />
Turkish residents left their homes and communities in the southern half <strong>of</strong> the island for places with<br />
greater Turkish populations in the north. This culminated with the establishment <strong>of</strong> a demilitarized<br />
zone between the Northern Turkish population and the southern Greek population; a border that still<br />
exists to the present day and is administered by the United Nations. The United Nations sent in a<br />
peace-keeping force to maintain this border after the Turkish military agreed to halt their invasion and<br />
withdraw to the northern half <strong>of</strong> the island.<br />
At present, there is limited contact between the different groups across the borders, even where<br />
the borders have been dismantled 11 . Though ordinary citizens have contact with each other, this has<br />
not filtered through to the political structure <strong>of</strong> both sides <strong>of</strong> the island or to the educational structures<br />
7<br />
Richmond, O. (1998), Implications for making peace: building negotiating positions during the Cyprus conflict, Paper<br />
delivered at ACGTA seminar in London (June 5, 1998)<br />
8<br />
CIA World Fact Book 2007, Cyprus, http://www.odci.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/cy.html (accessed July 11,<br />
2007)<br />
9<br />
Ioannidou, M. (1997). Curriculum as political text: the case <strong>of</strong> Cyprus. History <strong>of</strong> Education 26(4): 395-407.<br />
10<br />
Cyprus conflict narrative, http://www.cyprus-conflict.net/www.cyprus-conflict.net/index.html (accessed July 11, 2007).<br />
11<br />
BBC News. (2007). “Greek Cypriots dismantle barrier”, http://news.bbc.co.uc/2/hi/europe/6433045.htm (accessed July<br />
11, 2007).<br />
80