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Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler

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out to deprive him of the sleep he needed; they were satisfied if in other things, as a man and<br />

character, he was an honor to the name of his house and to the nation, and if he fulfilled his<br />

duties as a ruler. Telling fairy tales helped little, but did all the more harm.<br />

This and many similar things were mere trifles, however. What had a worse effect on sections<br />

of the nation, that were unfortunately very large, was the mounting conviction that people<br />

were ruled from the top no matter what happened, and that, therefore, the individual had no<br />

need to bother about anything. As long as the government was really good, or at least had<br />

the best intentions, this was bearable. But woe betide if the old government whose intentions<br />

were after all good were replaced <strong>by</strong> a new one which was not so decent; then spineless<br />

compliance and childlike faith were the gravest calamity that could be conceived of.<br />

But along with these and many other weaknesses, there were unquestionable assets.<br />

For one thing, the stability of the entire state leadership, brought about <strong>by</strong> the monarchic<br />

form of state and the removal of the highest state posts from the welter of speculation <strong>by</strong><br />

ambitious politicians. Furthermore, the dignity of the institution as such and the authority<br />

which this alone created: likewise the raising of the civil service and particularly the army<br />

above the level of party obligations. One more advantage was the personal embodiment of the<br />

state's summit in the monarch as a person, and the example of responsibility which is bound<br />

to be stronger in a monarch than in the accidental rabble of a parliamentary majority-the<br />

proverbial incorruptibility of the German administration could primarily be attributed to this.<br />

Finally, the cultural value of the monarchy for the German people was high and could very<br />

well compensate for other drawbacks. The German court cities were still the refuge of an<br />

artistic state of mind, which is increasingly threatening to die out in our materialistic times.<br />

What the German princes did for art and science, particularly in the nineteenth century, was<br />

exemplary. The present period in any case cannot be compared with it.<br />

As the greatest credit factor, however, in this period of incipient and slowly spreading<br />

decomposition of our nation, we must note the army. It was the mightiest school of the<br />

German nation, and not for nothing was the hatred of all our enemies directed against this<br />

buttress of national freedom and independence. No more glorious monument can be<br />

dedicated to this unique institution than a statement of the truth that it was slandered,<br />

hated, combated, and also feared <strong>by</strong> all inferior peoples. The fact that the rage of the<br />

international exploiters of our people in Versailles was directed primarily against the old<br />

German army permits us to recognize it as the bastion of our national freedom against the<br />

power of the stock exchange. Without this warning power, the intentions of Versailles would<br />

long since have been carried out against our people. What the German people owes to the<br />

army can be briefly summed up in a single word, to wit: everything.<br />

The army trained men for unconditional responsibility at a time when this quality had grown<br />

rare and evasion of it was becoming more and more the order of the day, starting with the<br />

model prototype of all irresponsibility, the parliament; it trained men in personal courage in<br />

an age when cowardice threatened to become a raging disease and the spirit of sacrifice, the<br />

willingness to give oneself for the general welfare, was looked on almost as stupidity, and the<br />

only man regarded as intelligent was the one who best knew how to indulge and advance his<br />

own ego. it was the school that still taught the individual German not to seek the salvation of<br />

the nation in lying phrases about an international brotherhood between Negroes, Germans,<br />

Chinese, French, etc., but in the force and solidarity of our own nation.<br />

The army trained men in resolution while elsewhere in life indecision and doubt were<br />

beginning to determine the actions of men. In an age when everywhere the know-it-alls were<br />

setting the tone, it meant something to uphold the principle that some command is always<br />

better than none. In this sole principle there was still an unspoiled robust health which

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