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Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler

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We were exceptionally well informed in regard to our opponents' intentions, not only because<br />

we allowed several of our party colleagues to remain members of the Red organizations for<br />

reasons of expediency, but also because the Red wire-pullers, fortunately for us, were<br />

afflicted with a degree of talkativeness that is still unfortunately very prevalent among<br />

Germans. They could not keep their own counsel, and more often than not they started<br />

cackling before the proverbial egg was laid. Hence, time and again our precautions were such<br />

that Red agitators had no inkling of how near they were to being thrown out of the meetings.<br />

This state of affairs compelled us to take the work of safeguarding our meetings into our own<br />

hands. No reliance could be placed on official protection. On the contrary; experience showed<br />

that such protection always favoured only the disturbers. The only real outcome of police<br />

intervention would be that the meeting would be dissolved, that is to say, closed. And that is<br />

precisely what our opponents granted.<br />

Generally speaking, this led the police to adopt a procedure which, to say the least, was a<br />

most infamous sample of official malpractice. The moment they received information of a<br />

threat that the one or other meeting was to be broken up, instead of arresting the would-be<br />

disturbers, they promptly advised the innocent parties that the meeting was forbidden. This<br />

step the police proclaimed as a 'precautionary measure in the interests of law and order'.<br />

The political work and activities of decent people could therefore always be hindered <strong>by</strong><br />

desperate ruffians who had the means at their disposal. In the name of peace and order State<br />

authority bowed down to these ruffians and demanded that others should not provoke them.<br />

When National Socialism desired to hold meetings in certain parts and the labour unions<br />

declared that their members would resist, then it was not these blackmailers that were<br />

arrested and gaoled. No. Our meetings were forbidden <strong>by</strong> the police. Yes, this organ of the<br />

law had the unspeakable impudence to advise us in writing to this effect in innumerable<br />

instances. To avoid such eventualities, it was necessary to see to it that every attempt to<br />

disturb a meeting was nipped in the bud. Another feature to be taken into account in this<br />

respect is that all meetings which rely on police protection must necessarily bring discredit to<br />

their promoters in the eyes of the general public. Meetings that are only possible with the<br />

protective assistance of a strong force of police convert nobody; because in order to win over<br />

the lower strata of the people there must be a visible show of strength on one's own side. In<br />

the same way that a man of courage will win a woman's affection more easily than a coward,<br />

so a heroic movement will be more successful in winning over the hearts of a people than a<br />

weak movement which relies on police support for its very existence.<br />

It is for this latter reason in particular that our young movement was to be charged with the<br />

responsibility of assuring its own existence, defending itself; and conducting its own work of<br />

smashing the Red opposition.<br />

The work of organizing the protective measures for our meetings was based on the following:<br />

(1) An energetic and psychologically judicious way of conducting the meeting.<br />

(2) An organized squad of troops to maintain order.<br />

In those days we and no one else were masters of the situation at our meetings and on no<br />

occasion did we fail to emphasize this. Our opponents fully realized that any provocation<br />

would be the occasion of throwing them out of the hall at once, whatever the odds against us.<br />

At meetings, particularly outside Munich, we had in those days from five to eight hundred<br />

opponents against fifteen to sixteen National Socialists; yet we brooked no interference, for<br />

we were ready to be killed rather than capitulate. More than once a handful of party<br />

colleagues offered a heroic resistance to a raging and violent mob of Reds. Those fifteen or<br />

twenty men would certainly have been overwhelmed in the end had not the opponents known<br />

that three or four times as many of themselves would first get their skulls cracked. Arid that<br />

risk they were not willing to run. We had done our best to study Marxist and bourgeois<br />

methods of conducting meetings, and we had certainly learnt something.<br />

The Marxists had always exercised a most rigid discipline so that the question of breaking up<br />

their meetings could never have originated in bourgeois quarters. This gave the Reds all the

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