Mein Kampf by Adolf Hitler

upon as their own. Thus the whole nation might have been united by the ties of a common
knowledge of this common heritage. The really important figures in German history were not
presented to the present generation. The attention of the whole nation was not concentrated
on them for the purpose of awakening a common national spirit. From the various subjects
that were taught, those who had charge of our training seemed incapable of selecting what
redounded most to the national honour and lifting that above the common objective level, in
order to inflame the national pride in the light of such brilliant examples. At that time such a
course would have been looked upon as rank chauvinism, which did not then have a very
pleasant savour. Pettifogging dynastic patriotism was more acceptable and more easily
tolerated than the glowing fire of a supreme national pride. The former could be always
pressed into service, whereas the latter might one day become a dominating force.
Monarchist patriotism terminated in Associations of Veterans, whereas passionate national
patriotism might have opened a road which would be difficult to determine. This national
passion is like a highly tempered thoroughbred who is discriminate about the sort of rider he
will tolerate in the saddle. No wonder that most people preferred to shirk such a danger.
Nobody seemed to think it possible that one day a war might come which would put the
mettle of this kind of patriotism to the test, in artillery bombardment and waves of attacks
with poison gas. But when it did come our lack of this patriotic passion was avenged in a
terrible way. None were very enthusiastic about dying for their imperial and royal sovereigns;
while on the other hand the 'Nation' was not recognized by the greater number of the
soldiers.
Since the revolution broke out in Germany and the monarchist patriotism was therefore
extinguished, the purpose of teaching history was nothing more than to add to the stock of
objective knowledge. The present State has no use for patriotic enthusiasm; but it will never
obtain what it really desires. For if dynastic patriotism failed to produce a supreme power of
resistance at a time when the principle of nationalism dominated, it will be still less possible
to arouse republican enthusiasm. There can be no doubt that the German people would not
have stood on the field of battle for four and a half years to fight under the battle slogan 'For
the Republic,' and least of all those who created this grand institution.
In reality this Republic has been allowed to exist undisturbed only by grace of its readiness
and its promise to all and sundry, to pay tribute and reparations to the stranger and to put
its signature to any kind of territorial renunciation. The rest of the world finds it sympathetic,
just as a weakling is always more pleasing to those who want to bend him to their own uses
than is a man who is made of harder metal. But the fact that the enemy likes this form of
government is the worst kind of condemnation. They love the German Republic and tolerate
its existence because no better instrument could be found which would help them to keep
our people in slavery. It is to this fact alone that this magnanimous institution owes its
survival. And that is why it can renounce any real system of national education and can feel
satisfied when the heroes of the Reich banner shout their hurrahs, but in reality these same
heroes would scamper away like rabbits if called upon to defend that banner with their
blood.
The People's State will have to fight for its existence. It will not gain or secure this existence
by signing documents like that of the Dawes Plan. But for its existence and defence it will
need precisely those things which our present system believes can be repudiated. The more
worthy its form and its inner national being. the greater will be the envy and opposition of its
adversaries. The best defence will not be in the arms it possesses but in its citizens. Bastions
of fortresses will not save it, but the living wall of its men and women, filled with an ardent
love for their country and a passionate spirit of national patriotism.
Therefore the third point which will have to be considered in relation to our educational
system is the following:
The People's State must realize that the sciences may also be made a means of promoting a
spirit of pride in the nation. Not only the history of the world but the history of civilization as