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SUDAN: Durable solutions elusive as southern IDPs return and ...

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From the mid-1980s, the Congress’s political focus, which had previously concentrated on the<br />

marginalisation of the Beja, started to shift towards the preservation of Beja culture <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong>,<br />

largely <strong>as</strong> a reaction to the demographic transformation of the region due to the influx of refugees<br />

from Eritrea, <strong>IDPs</strong> from <strong>southern</strong> Sudan <strong>and</strong> the Nuba Mountains <strong>and</strong> economic migrants from<br />

the north <strong>and</strong> west of the Sudan.<br />

Together with other political parties, the Congress w<strong>as</strong> banned in 1989. In the period that<br />

followed, the Government of Sudan accused the Congress of fomenting political destabilisation in<br />

e<strong>as</strong>tern Sudan. Repression against Beja dissidents <strong>and</strong> the continued alienation of l<strong>and</strong><br />

contributed to a resurgence of Beja resistance. The Government of Sudan accused Eritrea of<br />

training Sudanese Beja, while the Eritrean government severed diplomatic relations with Sudan in<br />

December 1994 following accusations that Islamic terrorists trained in Sudan <strong>and</strong> then infiltrated<br />

into groups of <strong>return</strong>ing Eritrean refugees. The Beja Congress resurfaced again in 1995 in<br />

Asmara under the umbrella of the exiled National Democratic Alliance (NDA), a coalition of<br />

northern opposition parties a well <strong>as</strong> the <strong>southern</strong> Sudanese Sudan People's Liberation<br />

Army/Movement (SPLM/A).<br />

Hundreds of young people went to training camps in Eritrea <strong>and</strong> <strong>return</strong>ed to launch guerrilla<br />

attacks on government installations <strong>as</strong> well <strong>as</strong> the Khartoum-Port Sudan highway <strong>and</strong> the oil<br />

pipeline. The border w<strong>as</strong> mined, with terrible consequences for traditional p<strong>as</strong>toral migrants.<br />

Together with other factions of the NDA, including the SPLA’s New Sudan Brigade, a Joint<br />

Military Comm<strong>and</strong> w<strong>as</strong> established that enabled the former to conduct full-scale operations on the<br />

“e<strong>as</strong>tern front” by 1997.<br />

In 1996 the Beja Congress w<strong>as</strong> charged with having backed a failed coup attempt in Port Sudan<br />

in August of that year <strong>and</strong> fighting between the parties intensified in the <strong>southern</strong> area of Tokar<br />

<strong>and</strong> K<strong>as</strong>sala Provinces, with the opposition groups eventually occupying most of the area<br />

between the border <strong>and</strong> the are<strong>as</strong> surrounding Tokar town in spring 1997. The area around Tokar<br />

w<strong>as</strong> retaken by government forces shortly afterwards, but the NDA continued to control much of<br />

the border region, including the towns of Telkuk <strong>and</strong> Ham<strong>as</strong>hkoreb.<br />

Congress leaders worked to exp<strong>and</strong> their political platform to other groups living in e<strong>as</strong>tern<br />

Sudan, which led to the formation of the E<strong>as</strong>tern Front in February 2005. The Front is a political<br />

alliance between the Beja Congress, the R<strong>as</strong>haida Free Lions <strong>and</strong> representatives from other<br />

small ethno-political groups. The formation of the Front w<strong>as</strong> an attempt by the Beja Congress <strong>and</strong><br />

the R<strong>as</strong>haida Free Lions to de-ethnicise their political agenda <strong>and</strong> appeal to other communities in<br />

e<strong>as</strong>tern Sudan to unite in the fight against the marginalisation <strong>and</strong> the underdevelopment of the<br />

region. However, in the eyes of members of non-Beja <strong>and</strong> non-R<strong>as</strong>haida groups the Front<br />

remained closely affiliated to its two main ethnic groups <strong>and</strong> therefore not representative of other<br />

e<strong>as</strong>tern Sudan communities, including immigrants from northern, western <strong>and</strong> <strong>southern</strong> Sudan.<br />

In January 2005 the Comprehensive Peace Agreement w<strong>as</strong> signed between the government of<br />

Sudan <strong>and</strong> the SPLM/A. The Agreement did not address the dem<strong>and</strong>s of the people of e<strong>as</strong>tern<br />

Sudan, or the people of Darfur, despite the fact that these dem<strong>and</strong>s were often no different from<br />

those of the SPLA/M in the south. E<strong>as</strong>tern Front leaders emph<strong>as</strong>ised that lack of development,<br />

b<strong>as</strong>ic services <strong>and</strong> employment in e<strong>as</strong>tern Sudan were the direct result of the concentration of<br />

power in the h<strong>and</strong>s of a restricted elite, resulting in political marginalisation <strong>and</strong> lack of attention<br />

to the all of the country’s peripheral are<strong>as</strong>. The CPA ignored the interests of the other groups in<br />

the country in the redistribution of power <strong>and</strong> wealth.<br />

On 14 October 2006 the E<strong>as</strong>tern Sudan Peace Agreement (ESPA) w<strong>as</strong> signed in Asmara<br />

between the Government of Sudan <strong>and</strong> the E<strong>as</strong>tern Front. It provided for the establishment of the<br />

E<strong>as</strong>tern Sudan Reconstruction <strong>and</strong> Development Fund, <strong>and</strong> the reintegration of the E<strong>as</strong>tern Front<br />

military forces in the SAF <strong>and</strong> the police force. Despite continued divisions among E<strong>as</strong>tern Front<br />

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