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SUDAN: Durable solutions elusive as southern IDPs return and ...

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According to the Humanitarian Policy Group (26 March 2009, p.5):<br />

"Many of the expelled agencies were also involved in food security <strong>and</strong> livelihood support<br />

programmes, for both camp-b<strong>as</strong>ed <strong>and</strong> rural populations. These programmes ranged from<br />

vocational training, income generation <strong>and</strong> fuel-efficient stoves to agricultural <strong>and</strong> livestock<br />

support, including agricultural inputs, training in improved practices <strong>and</strong> veterinary care. Whilst<br />

small in scale compared to more mainstream humanitarian responses, such interventions are<br />

important in protracted crises, both to support the diversification of livelihood strategies <strong>and</strong> to<br />

utilise all possible means to meet b<strong>as</strong>ic needs."<br />

Livelihoods <strong>and</strong> urbanisation in Darfur<br />

Livelihood options are mostly found in Darfur’s towns <strong>and</strong> cities, which h<strong>as</strong> resulted in a rapid<br />

process of urbanisation in Darfur. For example, the Darfur Food Security <strong>and</strong> Livelihoods<br />

Assessment 2008 found a significant improvement in food security in South Darfur (improvement<br />

by 37 percent compared to 2007), which w<strong>as</strong> explained in part by "A construction boom around<br />

urban centres in South Darfur [which] h<strong>as</strong> created employment opportunities for <strong>IDPs</strong> in<br />

particular, <strong>as</strong> the larger camps tend to be situated close to urban are<strong>as</strong> in the State" (Government<br />

of Sudan et al., 23 February 2009, pp.2-3).<br />

In a December 2008 report on the needs of youths in Darfur, the Women’s Commission wrote:<br />

"The conflict h<strong>as</strong> severely disrupted livelihoods <strong>and</strong> livelihood coping strategies in Darfur. Many<br />

<strong>IDPs</strong> lost financial <strong>as</strong>sets, such <strong>as</strong> livestock; physical <strong>as</strong>sets, such <strong>as</strong> farms <strong>and</strong> household<br />

possessions; natural resources, such <strong>as</strong> fruit trees <strong>and</strong> water resources; human capital due to<br />

deaths <strong>and</strong> attacks; <strong>and</strong> social capital, undermined by attacks on <strong>and</strong> displacement of groups,<br />

villages <strong>and</strong> families. Trade networks <strong>and</strong> markets have also changed dramatically <strong>as</strong> a result of<br />

the conflict. The supply chain is fractured: the displacement of producers <strong>and</strong> traders h<strong>as</strong><br />

disrupted the supply <strong>and</strong> distribution of goods, insecurity h<strong>as</strong> stopped or altered trade routes <strong>and</strong><br />

the closure <strong>and</strong> decline of markets—particularly smaller rural markets—have limited dem<strong>and</strong> for<br />

goods <strong>and</strong> services. Formal <strong>and</strong> informal taxation policies, for example, government taxation on<br />

top of fees to rebel groups, have incre<strong>as</strong>ed transportation costs dramatically. An estimated 20-30<br />

percent of urban traders went bankrupt during the earliest days of the conflict <strong>and</strong> many more<br />

have been squeezed out of business in subsequent years. The shrinkage of previous markets<br />

<strong>and</strong> livelihood opportunities severely restricts the opportunities youth have to earn income—<br />

irrespective of the training programs they participate in. Some traders, however, have stayed in<br />

business by switching commodities, relying on protection from tribal networks <strong>and</strong> shifting<br />

markets out to IDP camps where new markets have emerged. The market in Kalma camp in<br />

South Darfur, for example, is a cl<strong>as</strong>sic shadow economy. With no taxation, <strong>IDPs</strong> <strong>and</strong> locals alike<br />

buy goods <strong>and</strong> services in the marketplace. As one worker noted, “Everything is available in this<br />

camp,” including flip flops, bolts of fabric, soccer balls, kettles, dried fish, limes, cosmetics <strong>and</strong><br />

used w<strong>as</strong>hcloths. A thorough underst<strong>and</strong>ing of shifting market realities in Darfur is an essential<br />

first step in identifying livelihoods opportunities for youth <strong>and</strong> the types of educational <strong>and</strong><br />

vocational training programs needed to prepare them for these opportunities" (Women’s<br />

Commission, December 2008, p.10).<br />

Alex de Waal writes (31 March 2009):<br />

"During the war the cities have doubled in size. There h<strong>as</strong> been a huge inflow from the rural<br />

are<strong>as</strong>. That is in addition to the 30% of the Darfur population that lives in IDP camps. Social<br />

scientists who have worked in the camps estimate that at le<strong>as</strong>t one third of the camp residents<br />

are economically integrated into the towns, others are partially integrated, <strong>and</strong> many more (those<br />

who live in small camps dispersed throughout the countryside) are using the camps <strong>as</strong><br />

“dormitories” <strong>and</strong> have some rural-b<strong>as</strong>ed livelihoods, <strong>return</strong>ing to the camps to sleep at night.<br />

This would imply that the correct figure for urban residents in Darfur is 45%. One way of<br />

interpreting the l<strong>as</strong>t six years is accelerated (<strong>and</strong> traumatic) urbanization—Darfur catching up with<br />

the rest of the country.<br />

94

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