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Neo-Bonapartism? A parallel between Nicolas Sarkozy and ...

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<strong>Neo</strong>-<strong>Bonapartism</strong>? A <strong>parallel</strong> <strong>between</strong> <strong>Nicolas</strong> <strong>Sarkozy</strong> <strong>and</strong> Napoleon III<br />

two alternatives are appealing, either reactionism or revolutionism. From the latter,<br />

<strong>Bonapartism</strong> has a clear advantage; it proposes a clearly reactionist line of action while<br />

simultaneously containing revolution (lying in the French political spectrum at the extreme Left<br />

side). In addition, its reliance upon winning recipes, such as the restauration of the Glorious<br />

Past myth or the use of the populist mechanism in its legitimacy approach, end up with<br />

federative outcomes.<br />

To put things simply; <strong>Bonapartism</strong> rides the crisis wave, <strong>and</strong> demonstrates fully its politics of<br />

national greatness with a crisis management approach. Accordingly, to Gr<strong>and</strong>s Plans, Gr<strong>and</strong>s<br />

leaders (Gr<strong>and</strong>s in the latter being more the expression of an authoritarian derive than the<br />

gr<strong>and</strong>eur d’ame of the leader). The compromising Mitter<strong>and</strong> or half-hearted <strong>and</strong> mild Chirac<br />

did not leave a strong print on France. The emergence of a strong political leadership becomes<br />

thus associated with the revival of a strong France, no matter if some liberty sacrifices are<br />

needed to fulfill the revival process. The republican loam being confronted to a de facto dirigist<br />

spasm, the citizenry inks then a contract leaving an early benefit of the doubt to the<br />

authoritarian leader but with a bond commitment.<br />

Here, the fatherly-like approach of <strong>Bonapartism</strong>, in the fullest sense of the word, is reassuring<br />

<strong>and</strong> comforting for a society in need of control, because this is the primal expectation, to feel<br />

embarked into a well-oiled <strong>and</strong> under control governance. It is not thus a coincidence if<br />

Segolene Royal missed her presidential destiny the night of the 2 nd of May 2007’s Great Debate<br />

(watched by a record audience of more than 20 million French) with her “sane anger” in front<br />

of an irreprochable <strong>and</strong> worth-of leading <strong>Sarkozy</strong>. Here, the Gaullist legacy shows that it<br />

profoundly marked –<strong>and</strong> still does- the French prioritization of criteria to be considered while<br />

A website dedicated to this project is available starting Dec 7 th 2010 at: http://www.aui.ma/personal/~Y.Assaoui/<br />

102

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