Neo-Bonapartism? A parallel between Nicolas Sarkozy and ...

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Neo-Bonapartism? A parallel between Nicolas Sarkozy and Napoleon III (1912). Concerning the departmental press, its attachment to Napoleon’s cause did not require any formal contracting, only the perception of a monthly state subvention. Here is the detail of the April 1859’s 50 000 French francs allocated to the departmental press: Courrier du Cers 2.000 Journal de Saône-el-Loire 1,000, Journal de Montbéliard 5oo, La Côle-d'Or 5.000, Courrier Populaire de Lille 1.200, Phare de Marseille 5.000, Aube (service de Presse) 5.000, Gers (service de la Presse) 2.200, Journal de la Corse 600, Journal de Seine-et-Oise 380, Doubs (service de la Presse) 2.5oo, and Le Bas-Rhin 9.000 (Brézol & Crozière, 1912). Finally, the very same report ends up describing Napoleon III latest brainwave: the installment of a fake opposition newspaper, Le Siècle, whose director, M. Lavin, was daily (and secretly) received by the emperor to define “in which conditions he should fight the government, in the best interest of all” (Brézol & Crozière, 1912). Such an advanced and elaborated system of control of the press lasted a decade, and achieved its quintessential goal: the watering of the population with a state-defined editorial line (even if the dissidences were growing, especially from the elite either within the country or exiled in neighboring countries). However, and almost in an overnight process, Louis Napoleon sharply decided to shift toward a more liberal press system. It is worth highlighting here that no motive compelled him in doing so besides his (personal) desire of discovering how the public opinion he relied upon so much appreciated his rule. As quoted by Miller, the emperor recognized this when he stated “I am isolated, I no longer hear anything” (1997). Again, this change in direction was engineered by Napoleon III as a transitional strategy during which he intended to adjust his populist discourse to the streets criticisms. The following relaxation of the Press Laws of 1868 lasted shorter than what was expected by the imperial ruler (since he was deposed in 1871), but resulted in a A website dedicated to this project is available starting Dec 7 th 2010 at: http://www.aui.ma/personal/~Y.Assaoui/ 64
Neo-Bonapartism? A parallel between Nicolas Sarkozy and Napoleon III “flood of 150 new newspapers, mostly hostile” (Miller, 1997). Louis Bonaparte’s communication strategy was from the latter rather innovative, yet always under control; a fact that explains why “modern scholars have been impressed by his particular form of political manipulation” stated the Southern State University of California’s report on the French Second Empire, since he “pioneered a new form of mass politics in which authoritarian politicians could employ nationalist and populist tactics, to achieve genuine popularity”. At this point, the well-oiled and thoughtful Bonapartist strategic vision vis a vis the fourth power has some echoes in Sarkozy’s approach of and relationship with the contemporary French media. Like the imperial censors who were entrusted with the shaping of the press headlines and the insertion of flattering articles (Barthelemy, 1889), Sarkozy as well extolled the virtues of intervening in the media through providing actively to its professionals what he wanted to see covered. As explained by Cohen, a recurrent pattern of Sarkozy’s communication strategy was his communicators’ readiness and eagerness in “providing the journalists, week after week, with some “biscuit” as stated by the media jargon… He (Sarkozy) “releases worthy news”, he is a scoop-machine” (Cohen, 2006). By this way, being both the source and the recipient, Sarkozy participates lively in the process of newsworthiness selection, a process usually reserved to the editorialists. In addition, a similar kind of practice was experimented the two first years of his presidency before a polemic stopped it sharp in December 2009: the insertion in the French press of Elysee-sponsored political polls. Here, and as explained by Le Parisien, the use of the French taxpayers money (estimated at 3,28 million Euros in 2008, and 1 989 million in 2009) for complacent thus questionable polls (they were conducted by an opinion polls institute affiliated to Le Figaro, which belongs to Dassault, one of Sarkozy’s A website dedicated to this project is available starting Dec 7 th 2010 at: http://www.aui.ma/personal/~Y.Assaoui/ 65
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