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Book <strong>Review</strong>s 203<br />
policy of brutality, thus initiating the future pattern of European-<br />
Indian relations. Moreover, the history of race relations in New<br />
York - in the perception of Binder and Reimers one of the most en-<br />
during troubling aspects of New York history-was ominous from<br />
its inception. Under Dutch rule the institution of slavery was rather<br />
loosely defined, but its legitimacy was beyond questioning. Under<br />
English rule, when the dire need for labor made slavery pivotal to<br />
the colony's economy, the legal status of bondsmen gradually wors-<br />
ened as owners defined their slaves as "propertyl' with few or no<br />
rights. Although the <strong>American</strong> Revolution and the influence of En-<br />
lightenment ideals did stimulate abolitionist sentiment, black New<br />
Yorkers were not granted equal citizenship rights - a situation that<br />
prepared a legacy of continued racial prejudice and discrimination.<br />
By starting the ethnic history of New York in the colonial era,<br />
rather than at the conventional point of departure (with the mass<br />
migrations of the Irish and the Germans in the 1830s and 1840s),<br />
Binder and Reimers subtly challenge the dominant historical pic-<br />
ture in which the majority status of Anglo-Saxon culture is taken as a<br />
given. As the Dutch and Anglo-Saxons reach upper-class status,<br />
however, they disappear from view. At higher social ranks, ethnic-<br />
ity is somehow translated into class. This is unfortunate, because<br />
the ways in which "Knickerbocker" and especially "WASP" culture<br />
achieved and maintained a social and cultural hegemony in New<br />
York, using "descent" not only as a basis of exclusivity but as a<br />
grounds for social and cultural exclusion, go unexamined.<br />
The fact that the upper echelons of the ethnic and racial hierarchy<br />
in New York apparently fall outside the frame of what Binder and<br />
Reimers consider the "ethnic" history of New York is curious con-<br />
sidering the fact that, in other respects, the authors do present a<br />
long-term perspective that takes the transformations of ethnic<br />
groups into account. Their approach conforms to a model in which<br />
ethnicity in America is seen as a form of solidarity rooted in com-<br />
monalities of culture, experience, and interest. Each ethnic group's<br />
distinctive experience is seen as the product of a complex interplay<br />
between the group's characteristics at the point of entry and the<br />
conditions confronting the group at the time and place of settlement.<br />
Ethnic solidarity generally is most pronounced in the first two gen-<br />
erations after settlement, when group commonalities are strongest