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Objects in Flux - RMIT Research Repository - RMIT University

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<strong>Objects</strong> <strong>in</strong> <strong>Flux</strong><br />

[Figure 6-2]<br />

Ford Model-T automobile used to<br />

power a small saw mill.<br />

Photograph from the Collections of<br />

The Henry Ford.<br />

106<br />

6.2 Interpretative flexibility<br />

accounts, the highly contested nature of object<br />

use becomes apparent. The producer’s ability<br />

to structure consumer behavior, and the actions<br />

taken by consumers to escape this control,<br />

positions the object as a site of struggle and<br />

highlights a political dimension with<strong>in</strong> practices<br />

of consumption. The chapter concludes with an<br />

exam<strong>in</strong>ation of emerg<strong>in</strong>g consumer resistance<br />

and collective action that threatens the authority<br />

of established commercial <strong>in</strong>stitutions.<br />

It is clear from Kl<strong>in</strong>e and P<strong>in</strong>ch’s study that practices of modification<br />

were widespread amongst automobile owners, particularly farmers,<br />

at the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of the 20th century. US census data from the 1920s<br />

<strong>in</strong>dicates that the automobile was far and away the most popular form<br />

of <strong>in</strong>animate power on the farm, and media reports of vehicle modifications<br />

date back to 1903 (Kl<strong>in</strong>e & P<strong>in</strong>ch, 1996). While farmers gave<br />

positive accounts of the modification process, automobile manufacturers<br />

were generally less enthusiastic. In a survey conducted by the Rural<br />

New Yorker <strong>in</strong> 1906, six out of seven auto manufacturers’ adamantly<br />

opposed the use of the automobile as a stationary power source,<br />

claim<strong>in</strong>g such practices could damage the car’s eng<strong>in</strong>e or differential<br />

gear (Kl<strong>in</strong>e & P<strong>in</strong>ch, 1996, p. 784). The Rural New Yorker aligned<br />

itself with the manufacturers position, advis<strong>in</strong>g farmers to purchase<br />

dedicated stationary eng<strong>in</strong>es (such as those regularly advertised <strong>in</strong> its<br />

pages). This stance was given further support through journal articles<br />

written by agricultural eng<strong>in</strong>eers who provided expert advice warn<strong>in</strong>g<br />

of the danger posed by homemade conversions. In 1919, however,<br />

when conversion kits designed to ‘safely’ harness power from the cars’<br />

crankshafts or rear axles became widely available, and widely advertised<br />

with<strong>in</strong> the journal, the Rural New Yorker changed its editorial<br />

stance and began recommend<strong>in</strong>g such kits (Kl<strong>in</strong>e & P<strong>in</strong>ch, 1996).<br />

While journals such as the Rural New Yorker publicly supported commercially<br />

available conversion kits, manufacturers of farm vehicles<br />

generally adopted a more critical position. Quoted <strong>in</strong> a 1918 edition of<br />

Tractor World, the advertis<strong>in</strong>g manager for the La Cross Tractor Com-

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