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Objects in Flux - RMIT Research Repository - RMIT University

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However, practices of object modification are not conf<strong>in</strong>ed to do-<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>s of impoverishment or lack. As Arkhipov states <strong>in</strong> the foreword<br />

to his book, ‘The folk phenomenon of the home-made production<br />

of functional everyday items is wide scale, spontaneous, and largely<br />

unknown. Such th<strong>in</strong>gs have always been with us, and can be found <strong>in</strong><br />

any country <strong>in</strong> the world.’ (2006, p.5)<br />

1.2 Consumer production<br />

This research focuses on practices of object modification with<strong>in</strong> a<br />

contemporary consumer environment – a doma<strong>in</strong> that is not def<strong>in</strong>ed by<br />

scarcity of material resources, but rather by excess. It has been argued<br />

however, that with<strong>in</strong> the excesses of consumer culture, the <strong>in</strong>dividual<br />

suffers from an entirely different form of lack (Jencks & Silver, 1972;<br />

Slater, 1997). Confronted by the showy products of mass-production<br />

the consumer has little opportunity to participate <strong>in</strong> the production of<br />

their own life and may become alienated from their material environment<br />

(Slater, 1997, p. 106). In forg<strong>in</strong>g divergent paths through the<br />

consumer environment, practices of object modification may be seen<br />

to provide a degree of resistance to this alienat<strong>in</strong>g effect.<br />

By tak<strong>in</strong>g up the term ‘consumer’ to describe the focus of this study, I<br />

am locat<strong>in</strong>g practices of object modification on one side of a traditional<br />

producer-consumer b<strong>in</strong>ary relation. This approach provides a useful<br />

boundary to the study, but it also makes a claim as to the nature of this<br />

amateur production, i.e. that the practice is largely structured through a<br />

producer-consumer relationship. Establish<strong>in</strong>g the nature of this b<strong>in</strong>ary<br />

relation is not straightforward. As Michel de Certeau makes clear <strong>in</strong><br />

The Practices of Everyday Life, the division between production and<br />

consumption can not be drawn along l<strong>in</strong>es of geographic distribution,<br />

of places of work or leisure, or via the activities undertaken, but must<br />

<strong>in</strong>stead be established through ‘modalities of action’ (1984, p. 29). What<br />

dist<strong>in</strong>guishes producers from consumers is the producers’ ability to<br />

claim a space as their own and to dictate the ‘proper’ use of that space.<br />

By contrast, consumers can only ‘use, manipulate, and divert these<br />

spaces’ (1984, p. 30). Despite the consumer’s marg<strong>in</strong>alised status, de<br />

Certeau argues that ‘users make (bricolent) <strong>in</strong>numerable and <strong>in</strong>f<strong>in</strong>itesimal<br />

transformations of and with<strong>in</strong> the dom<strong>in</strong>ant cultural economy <strong>in</strong><br />

order to adapt it to their own <strong>in</strong>terests and their own rules’ (1984, p. 31).<br />

Introduction<br />

15

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