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Genocide: - DIIS

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Klas-Göran Karlsson<br />

hampered by different kinds of restrictions in the accounts of the terror. In<br />

the Soviet Union terror was for a long period of time excluded from the<br />

offi cial Soviet discourse. This had however not always been the case. Until<br />

the late 1930s internal mass violence was ethically and ideologically justifi<br />

ed as a necessary and positive means of controlling human behaviour in<br />

Soviet society. In Soviet literary representations of the terror Dariusz Tolczyk<br />

has found “a convention that presented the chief institution of Soviet<br />

state terrorism, the concentration camp, as the locus of the re-education<br />

and redemption of reactionary social elements in a process leading to a<br />

more just and humane future society”. 3 Offi cial silence was implemented<br />

in connection with the culmination of Stalin’s great terror in 1937.<br />

The topic was reopened in 1956, when Nikita Khrushchev in his secret<br />

speech to the 20th party congress related terror to what was described as<br />

Joseph Stalin’s unpleasant personality and political errors. Also in Soviet<br />

historian Roy Medvedev’s Let History Judge from 1967, Stalin was made the<br />

culprit for bringing about mass psychosis among the broad Soviet masses.<br />

Somewhat broadening the analytical perspective, Medvedev admitted<br />

that Stalin’s politics allowed “cliques of unprincipled careerists” 4 to commit<br />

large-scale cruelties in order to further their own careers and to destroy<br />

political opponents.<br />

Until the glasnost years the Russian writer Aleksander Solzhenitsyn was<br />

the only Soviet analyst who dared to penetrate deeper into the mechanisms<br />

of Soviet terror. In his Gulag Archipelago from 1973-75 Solzhenitsyn looked<br />

into the very heart of the Soviet Communist system, tracking down the<br />

institutional and mental prerequisites of terror, in particular an ideology<br />

well adjusted to legitimizing large-scale evil deeds. In contrast to the Leninists,<br />

Khrushchev and Medvedev, who depicted Stalin’s era as a negative<br />

deviation from a positive party line introduced by Lenin and continued by<br />

Khrushchev, Solzhenitsyn did not spare Lenin from criticism. He held him<br />

responsible for not only being the founder of the Soviet state, but also of<br />

3 Cf Dariusz Tolczyk (1999), See No Evil. Literary Cover-Ups and Discoveries of the Soviet Camp<br />

Experience. New Haven, p. XVIII.<br />

4 Roy Medvedev (1973), Let History Judge. The Origins and Consequences of Stalinism. New<br />

York, p. 344.<br />

56

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