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Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales / Entelequia. Revista Interdisciplinar “Where Is the Balance of Power? (…) America is the hegemon by default. (…) As noted already, the past 15 years comprised principally a postwar, or interwar, period. The political and strategic behavior of those years reflected the temporary context provided by a world abruptly deprived of its balance-of-power architecture. (…) We can predict that although the transformation push may well succeed and be highly impressive in its military-technical accomplishments, it is likely to miss the most vital marks. There are a number of reasons for this rather harsh judgment. First, high-tech transformation will have only modest value, because war is a duel and all of America’s foes out to 2020 will be significantly asymmetrical. The more intelligent among them, as well as the geographically more fortunate and the luckier, will pursue ways of war that do not test US strengths. Second, the military potential of this transformation, as with all past transformations, is being undercut by the unstoppable processes of diffusion which spread technology and ideas. Third, the transformation that is being sought appears to be oblivious to the fact claimed here already, that there is more to war than warfare. War is about the peace it will shape.” (Gray, 2005: 20 – 21) Europe’s economic power would suggest that Europe increases its share in global military expenditures by 4.7%, while America’s economic power, measured in the share of the US in world purchasing power, does not support their high share in global military outlays by more than 8% Times and times again there was evidence in the literature that globalization leads to a cycle what Fernando Henrique Cardoso once termed: • there is a financial and technological penetration by the developed capitalist centers of the countries of the periphery and semi-periphery • this produces an unbalanced economic structure both within the peripheral societies and between them and the centers • this leads to limitations on self-sustained growth in the periphery • this favors the appearance of specific patterns of class relations • these require modifications in the role of the state to guarantee both the functioning of the economy and the political articulation of a society, which contains, within itself, foci of inarticulateness and structural imbalance We have shown in the analysis about world development since the 1980s that uncontrolled globalization leads to no end of the problem of structural violence. If we really want to achieve long-lasting breakthroughs in “global governance”, we have to re-consider the theoretical and practical implications of the “CEPAL/ECLAC” - alternative approach to global governance, and not simply rely on the forces of “world economic openness”. The synthesis of our empirical research results allows the hypothesis that the mobilization of internal savings and an active and stronger state, and less uncritical reliance on direct foreign investments, as was correctly foreseen by the early CEPAL/ECLAC-school (Flechsig St., 1984, Flechsig St., 1994, Flechsig St., 2000, Prebisch R., 1983, Prebisch R. 1986, Prebisch R. 1988a, Prebisch R. 1988b, Singer P. I. 1971), are still the most efficient tools of “global governance”. With neo-liberal economic and social governance continuing on an unabated scale, and with the world hegemonic power play by the United States entering the limit zone of its feasibility, the question about world systems governance transition enters the stage. Arno Tausch, Christian Bischof, Tomz Kastrun, Karl Mueller 176
Centro Argentino de Estudios Internacionales / Entelequia. Revista Interdisciplinar In their world-systems-based analysis of the spiral of capitalism and socialism, Boswell and Chase-Dunn (2000) arrive at the conclusion that the European Union would be best fitted to become an engine of socially progressive transformation of the world system. Such an analysis would find lots of sympathy among labororiented or social-movement oriented circles on both sides of the Atlantic and beyond, and is also reflected in various other ‘denominations’ of the world systems profession, like in the statements by Samir Amin, who - although very critical of the Union in its present form - speaks about the necessity for Europe to become an alternative pole in the world economy, characterized by the tendencies towards unfettered globalization. The European role in transforming the present-day western-biased global governance system cannot be underestimated: the European Union as the driving force behind a movement towards global governance, as the only and reasonable alternative to the workings of the capitalist world system and its tendencies towards inequality and conflict, was on the minds of several world system writers. This scenario is the policy-option and practical end-result of the assessment of future trends in the world system, presented by Boswell and Chase-Dunn (2000). Although there is wide agreement in the literature on the need of a transition of the world system to a system of global governance (see Kiljunen, 2000), the ways to achieve this are more or less a theme for speculation. Arno Tausch, Christian Bischof, Tomz Kastrun, Karl Mueller 177
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