Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf
Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf
Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf
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YOUTH AGAINST FASCISM<br />
Quarterly 43, no.1 (January, 1994): 99-115 or A. G. Hyde-Price, "Lenin, the State and Democracy: From Parliamentarism<br />
to Soviet Power." (Unpublished PHD Dissertation: University of Kent, Canterbury 1983)<br />
12. ECYCI, The Draft Programme, 24, 26.<br />
13. ECYCI, Fundamental Problems, 42.<br />
14. ECYCI, The Programmes of the Young Communist International, 43.<br />
15. "Illegality and Work Among the Masses," The International of <strong>Youth</strong>: Organ of the Young Communist International 3,<br />
no.1 (March, 1923): 16.<br />
16. YCI rhetoric created perceived contradictions within early communist literature. For the communists, terms like "bourgeois<br />
democracy" and "the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie" became mutually interchangeable as well as similar structural<br />
descriptions of "proletarian" forms of government. Statements about "democratic centralism" also conjured up images of<br />
ideological contradiction that the YCI did little to clarify. In their ideological statements the communists attempted to<br />
clarify the class meaning of these statements. Instead of clarifying these perceived contradictions, young communist literature<br />
often simply "slandered" their critics and posited positive statements about the "true character" of their movement.<br />
17. Joseph Stalin, "The Foundations of Leninism: Lectures Delivered at the Sverdlov University," in Problems of Leninism<br />
(Peking: Foreign Language Press, 1976): 44-45<br />
18. Lazar Schatzkin, "Ten Years of Proletarian Dictatorship," The International of <strong>Youth</strong>: Organ of the Young Communist<br />
International 7, no.5 (November, 1927): 64-65, 68.<br />
19. "Theses on the Fundamental Tasks of the Communist International," in Minutes of the Second Congress of the Communist<br />
International Internet Archive .<br />
20. In his address to the annual Labour Party conference, Chairman Joseph Compton stated, "<strong>Fascism</strong> and Communism alike<br />
are a challenge to our democratic institutions and to the system of society based on political, social and economic equality<br />
which we seek to establish." Criticism that linked fascism and communism were also advanced in the United States. The<br />
American Legion identified fascism and communism as similar "alien isms" that sought to "spread propaganda in the<br />
United States designed to forcibly change our form of government." See "Labour Party and Democracy: Growing Menace<br />
of Dictatorship, Fascist and Communist Challenge," The Times (Oct 03, 1933): 9; col A; American Legion National<br />
Americanism Commission, Isms: A Review of Alien Isms, Revolutionary Communism and their Active Sympathizers in the<br />
United States (Indianapolis: American Legion, 1937), 266.<br />
21. Reflecting on the importance of this period and Dimitrov's thesis, James Klugmann stated, "It put the struggle for democracy<br />
back into the centre of the fight for socialism. In the 1927-32 period democracy was considered almost a dirty word<br />
in the Communist movement, something that needed to be exposed as an ideology of the bourgeoisie. It was of enormous<br />
importance for us to develop a concept of socialist democracy, to be achieved through the winning of power, taking over<br />
all that had been won in the struggle for democracy under capitalism and qualitatively extending and expanding it. Every<br />
liberty that concerned the people became of concern to a revolutionary, to a Marxist, and in this way the working class<br />
could take the lead in the whole community in the fight for democracy." James Klugmann, "Crisis in the Thirties," 25.<br />
22. Dimitrov, "Unity of the Working Class <strong>Against</strong> <strong>Fascism</strong>," 110.<br />
23. Dimitrov, "The People's Front," 199.<br />
24. Ibid., 109.<br />
25. Dimitrov, "The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks of the Communist International," 10.<br />
26. Ibid., 12.<br />
27. Dimitrov, "Unity of the Working Class <strong>Against</strong> <strong>Fascism</strong>," 110.<br />
28. Ercoli, "The Fight <strong>Against</strong> War and <strong>Fascism</strong>," 22.<br />
29. Kuusinen, <strong>Youth</strong> and <strong>Fascism</strong>, 25.<br />
30. Ibid., 27.<br />
31. Michal continued on the theme of democratic slogans quoting Lenin in stating, "Liberty, needless to say, is a very vital<br />
slogan for any revolution, be it Socialist or democratic." See Michal, <strong>Youth</strong> Marches., 62, 42.<br />
32. In his address to the Comintern Dimitrov spoke of the reluctance of some comrades in "formulating positive democratic<br />
demands in order not to create democratic illusions among the masses." See Dimitrov, "Unity of the Working Class,"109.<br />
33. The dictatorship of the proletariat was considered an historically necessary transitory stage to protect the gains of the revolution.<br />
Communists posited that within the Soviet Union internal class conflict had ceased and that the Stalin Constitution<br />
represented a transition from the dictatorship of the proletariat into a full socialist democracy.<br />
34. Georgi Dimitrov, "On the Threshold of a New Year," in The United Front: The Struggle <strong>Against</strong> <strong>Fascism</strong> And War (San<br />
Francisco: Proletarian Publishers, 1975), 218.<br />
35. Ibid., 218.<br />
36. Maurice Thorez, "The Contribution of Lenin and Stalin to Marxism," World <strong>Youth</strong> Review 1, no. 7 (July, 1939): 151.<br />
37. British and American young communists had framed their anti-democratic propaganda to maximize youth disillusionment<br />
in order to urge revolutionary change. Young communists sought to expose the "reality" of this propaganda to advance<br />
their own political movement. One scathing YWL article asserted that "instead of a land fit for heroes to live in," that<br />
young workers found themselves "suppressed by the very government for which they fought." While the young communists<br />
sought to reflect the realities of young workers in Britain and the United States, their confrontational and militant denunciations<br />
of working-class perceptions of democracy did not result in the revolutionary mass mobilizations of youth for<br />
which it was intended. With the advance of domestic and international fascism in 1933 the Popular Front generation of<br />
the YCL rejected the Leninist militant denunciations of democracy and sought out a more effective and inclusive democratic<br />
language to facilitate mass mobilizations of anti-fascist youth in support of democracy. See "A Land Fit For Heroes,"<br />
The Young Worker: Official Organ of the Young Workers League 2, no.10 (October, 1923): 8. For an analysis of the wartime<br />
propaganda themes used in Britain see Gary Messinger, British Propaganda and the State in the First World War<br />
(New York: Manchester University Press, 1993). For a detailed bibliographical review of the literature on American wartime<br />
propaganda see Ralph Lutz, "Studies of World War Propaganda, 1914-33 Bibliographical Article," The Journal of<br />
Modern History 5, no.4. (Dec., 1933): 496-516.<br />
38. Dimitrov, "The People's Front," 210-211.<br />
39. Dimitrov, "The Fascist Offensive and the Tasks," 41-42.<br />
40. Mussolini Quoted in Georges Cogniot, "The French Revolution and its Cultural Work," World <strong>Youth</strong> Review 1, no. 7<br />
(July, 1939): 149.<br />
41. Georgi Dimitrov, "Silence Is Impossible -- Action Is Wanted," in The United Front: The Struggle <strong>Against</strong> <strong>Fascism</strong> And<br />
War (San Francisco: Proletarian Publishers, 1975), 165.<br />
176