Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf
Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf
Joel A Lewis Youth Against Fascism.pdf
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YOUTH AGAINST FASCISM<br />
the YCLs] in accordance with the change in the surrounding conditions." 94 The<br />
Comintern instructed its Parties and YCLs to lead a militant attack against all elements of<br />
the social-democratic movement, denouncing them with the slogan of "social-fascists." 95<br />
The YCI's political identity was historically rooted in militant denunciations of social<br />
democracy. This factor led the communist youth to embrace the new Comintern line with<br />
great energy and enthusiasm. 96 Although fascism was rising in its prominence, the YCLs<br />
focussed their political attacks on their perceived adversaries on the left. 97<br />
For communist youth, the Class <strong>Against</strong> Class period did not create a profound shift in<br />
their politics. The Third Period represented an affirmation of militant anti-socialist trends<br />
that existed since the birth of the communist youth movement. McDermott and Agnew<br />
highlight the "endemic hostility of the Comintern leadership towards social democracy"<br />
and the anti-socialist roots of Leninist ideology, countering historians who have focussed<br />
on the rapid and divergent shifts of the Third Period. 98 YCI rhetoric of this period, while<br />
expressing greater urgency for revolutionary actions, continued to highlight elements of<br />
continuity in their policies.<br />
A central element of the YCI's outlook on the youth was insisting on the necessity of<br />
the political role that youth should embrace, unlike the social-democratic emphasis on<br />
cultural activities. During the discussions leading up to the youth's Fifth World Congress,<br />
the YCI insisted it was their role to counter these traditions of social democracy:<br />
Incorrect are the proposals for the giving of a non-political character to the YCL organizations,<br />
i.e., reconstruct them in such a way, that the cultural side should be given the<br />
most important place. In such a way we could not win the broad masses (take as an example<br />
the social-democratic youth organisations), and we will only lose all our revolutionary<br />
traditions, and instead of raising a new revolutionary generation, which should<br />
take the place of the old, we will raise "cultural people," opportunists. 99<br />
The Third Period did not change the YCI's conception of their movement. By increasing<br />
the intensity of their attacks on social democratic tactics, the YCI simply reinforced their<br />
own highly militant political identity.<br />
The main divergence of Class <strong>Against</strong> Class politics was a shift to focussing attacks<br />
on the left-wing of the socialist movement. The YCI's 1929 Programme reflected this<br />
shift in communist strategy and perceptions of their political opponents:<br />
A particularly dangerous shading of Social-Democratic reformism is the so-called "Left"<br />
(Centrist) Social-Democracy, which conceals by means of ostensibly revolutionary<br />
"Left" phrases, its complete and actual agreement with the most reactionary Social-<br />
Democratic reformism, and, its hostility to revolution. The "Left" wing of Social-<br />
Democracy thus serves only as an instrument of more subtle deception of the working<br />
masses; its special role is to deceive and keep under the influence of Social-Democracy<br />
(i.e., of the bourgeoisie) those workers who are already on the road towards Communism.<br />
Therefore, this brand of Social-Democratic reformism is an even more dangerous<br />
enemy than an open opponent of Communism, or the open supporters of socialimperialism.<br />
100<br />
During previous eras "left socialists," while heavily critiqued, were considered potential<br />
allies in countering conservative trends of social democracy. The YCI contended that<br />
24